" Relation or lournall of the beginning and proceedings of the English Plantation settled at Plimoth in New-Exgland, by certaine English Adventurers both Merchants and others.

With their difficult passage, their safe arrivall, their ioyfuU building of, and comfortable planting themselves in the now well defended Towne of New Plimoth.

As also a Relation of Foure severall discoveries since made by some of the same English Planters there resident.

I. In a iourney to Packcmokick, the habitation of the Indians greatest King Massasoyt ; as also their message, the answer and entertainment they had of him.

II. In a voyage made by ten of them to the Kingdome of Nawset, to seeke a boy that had lost himselfe in the woods : with such accidents as befell them in that voyage.

III. In their iourney to the Kingdome of Namascliet, in defence of their greatest King Massasoyt, against the NarroMggansets, and to revenge the supposed death of their Interpreter Tisquaittum.

IIII. Their voyage to the Massachusetts, and their entertainment

there. With an answer to all such objections as are any way made against

the lawfulnesse of English plantations in those parts. London. Printed for lohn Bellamie, and are to be sold at his shop

at the two Greyhounds in Cornhill neere the Roy all Exchange.

TO THE READER

Courteous Reader,

Be entreated to make a favorable construction of my forwardness in publishino; these ensuing discourses. The desire oT carrying the Gospel of Christ into those foreign parts, amongst those people that as yet have had no knowledge nor taste of God, as also to procure unto themselves and others a quiet and comfortable habitation, were, amongst other things, the inducements unto these undertakers of the then hopeful, and now experimentally known good enterprise for plantation in New England, to set afoot and prosecute the same. And though it fared with them, as it is common to the most actions of this nature, that the first attempts prove difficult, as the sequel more at large expresseth, yet it hath pleased God, even beyond our expectation in so short a time, to give hope of letting some of them see (though some he hath taken out of this vale of tears) some grounds of hope of the accomplishment of both those ends by them at first propounded.

' The writer studiously suppresthiin half of the first Colonists had ses the discouraging fact that more already perished.

And as myself then much desired, and shortly hope to effect, if the Lord will, the putting to of my shoulder in this hopeful business, and in the mean time these Relations coming to my hand from my both known and faithful friends, on whose writings I do much rely, I thought it not amiss to make them more general, hoping of a cheerful proceeding both of adventurers and planters ; entreating that the example of the honorable Virginia and Bermudas Companies, encountering with so many disasters, and that for divers years together, with an unwearied resolution, the good effects whereof are now eminent, may prevail as a spur of preparation also touching this no less hopeful country, though yet an infant, the extent and commodities whereof are as yet not fully known : after time will unfold more. Such as desire to take knowledge of things, may inform themselves by this ensuing treatise, and, if they please, also by such as have been there a first and second time. My hearty prayer to God is that the event of this and all other honorable and honest undertakings, may be for the furtherance of the kingdom of Christ, the enlarging of the bounds of our sovereign lord King James, and the good and profit of those who, either by

' By the third patent of the VirVirginia or New England had been

ginia Company, granted in 1612, branded as " a cold, barren, mounthe Bermudas, and all islands withtainous, rocky desert," and had

in three hundred leagues of the been abandoned as " uninhabitable

limits of their jurisdiction. These Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 56; and

islands they sold to 120 of their Capt. John Smith in his Gen. Hist,

own members, who became a disii. 174.

tinct corporation, under the name ' Cushman had just returned

of the Somer Islands Company, from Plymouth, and Clark and

24. Mayflower, had been on the coast

* After the failure of Popham's twice, colony at Sagadahoc in 1608, North

purse or person or both, are agents in the same. So I take leave, and rest

' Who was G. Mourt? From his Preface it appears that he was a person interested in the success of the Plymouth Colony, identifying himself with it, having "much desired " to emhark with the first colonists, and intending soon to go over and join them. It is also evident that he had familiar and friendly relations with some of them, and that he was one in whom they reposed such entire confidence as to send to him their first despatches of letters and journals.

of the common good and growth of the plantation of New Plymouth." Mourt may have been written designedly for Morton, from a disinclination on his part to have his name appear publicly in print, or it may have been a mistake of the printer, the final letters, from some flourish of the pen or otherwise, not being distinctly legible. Several other typographical errors, more important and palpable than this, occur in the Journal.

Prince, p. 132, errs in saying that this Journal was published by Mourt ; and his editor, p. 439, in stating that Prince had only Purchas's abridgment of it. He had the entire work, on the title-page of which it is stated that it was " printed for John Bellamy," who continued for at least twenty-five years from that time (1622,) to be the principal publisher of books relating to New England.

TO HIS MUCH RESPECTED FRIEND, MR. I. P.'

As we cannot but account it an extraordinary blessing of God in directing our course for these parts, after we came out of our native country, — for that we had the happiness to be possessed of the comforts we receive by the benefit of one of the most pleasant, most healthful, and most fruitful parts of the world, — so must we acknowledge the same blessing to be multiplied upon our whole company, for that we obtained the honor to receive allowance and approbation of our free possession and enjoying thereof, under the authority of those thrice honored persons, The President and Council for the Affairs of New England ; by whose bounty and grace, in that behalf, all of us are tied to dedicate our best service unto them, as those, under his Majesty, that we owe it unto ; whose noble endea-

' These are probably the initials to the President and Council of

of John Pierce, in whose name New England, for a grant of the

* The Pilgrims by coming so far was readily accorded. — The Presinorth, had got beyond the limits dent and Council put forth in 1622,

of the Virginia Company, and ac- " A Brief Relation of the Discovery

cordingly their patent was of no and Plantation of New England,"

value. On the return of the Maywhich is reprinted in the Mass.

flower in May, 1621, the merchant Hist. Coll. xix. 1 — 25. adventurers applied, in their behalf.

voiirs in these their actions the God of heaven and earth multiply to his glory and their own eternal comforts.

As for this poor Relation, I pray you to accept it as being writ by the several actors themselves, after their plain and rude manner. Therefore doubt nothing of the truth thereof. If it be defective in any thing, it is their ignorance, that are better acquainted with planting than WTJting. , If it satisfy those that are well affected to the business, it is all I care for. Sure I am the place we are in, and the hopes that are apparent, cannot but suffice any that will not desire more than enough. Neither is there want of aught among us

' This constitutes its great value, and confers on it the highest authority. George Morton, in his Preface, alludes to the same fact. Edward Winslow, in a postscript to his "Good News from New England," printed in 1624, states that this Relation was " gathered by the inhabitants of this present plantation at Plymouth, in New England," and in the body of his work alludes to " former letters written by myself and others, which came to the press against my will and knowledge." The Journal, too, directly and by implication, repeatedly testifies to the same point. Under Dec. 6, in mentioning their third excursion, it says, "the narrative of which discovery follows, penned by one of the company."

I do not hesitate to ascribe this Journal to Bradford and Winslow, chiefly to the former. They were among the most active and efficient leaders of the Pilgrims ; and'one or the other of them went on almost every expedition here recorded, and were therefore cognizant of the facts as eye-witnesses. They were also the only practised writers among them. We are not

aware that any of the other colonists were accustomed to writing; at least none of their writings have come down to us. Standish, though "the best linguist among them," in the Indian dialects, was more expert with the sword than the pen; and Elder Brewster, then fiftysix years old, was prevented by his office, if not by his age, from going on any of the excursions, and was therefore not competent to write the journal of them. Carver had the weight of government on his shoulders, which would leave little tipie for writing; he died too in April, five months after their arrival at the Cape. Allerton, Fuller, and Hopkins, are the only other persons likely to have had any hand in writing the Journal ; and the part they contributed to it, if any, would probably be confined to furnishing the rough sketches of such expeditions as those to Nauset, Namaschet, and Massachusetts, in which Bradford and Winslow may not have been personally engaged. The style, too, seems to correspond, in its plainness and directness, with that of Bradford, in his History.

but company to enjoy the blessings so plentifully bestowed upon the inhabitants that are here. While I was a writing this, I had almost forgot that I had but the recommendation of the Relation itself to your further consideration, and therefore I will end without saying more, save that I shall always rest

Yours, in the way of friendship,

» Who wasR. G.? At the time this Journal was sent over from Plymouth, in Dec. 1621, the onlyperson there whose initials were R. G. was Richard Gardiner. He was one of the signers of the Compact on board the Mayflower, as will be seen hereafter. In that list it is apparent that the 41 names are, for the most part, subscribed in the order of the reputed rank of the signers. The two last, Dotey and Leister, were servants ; the two next preceding, Allerton and English, were seamen ; then comes Richard Gardiner. Now it is very unlikely that such an obscure person as this. No. 37, of whom nothing is known, whose name does not appear in the assignment of the lands in 1623, nor in the division of the cattle in 1627, and occurs no where subsequently in the records of the Colony, should be selected and deputed by the leading men in it to endorse " the recommendation " of their Journal. Such a person, even had he been chosen for this purpose, would not have presumed to speak of his superiors as having written their narrative " after their plain and rude manner," and apologize for " their ignorance," by saying they were " better acquainted with planting

than writing." Such language would be used only by one of their compeers.

R. G. (or R. C. as I think it should be,) was Robert Cushman, their active and efficient agent, who being prevented from coming over in the Mayflower, came in Nov. 1621, in the Fortune, and returned in her the next month. Cushman brought the intelligence that a charter had been procured for them by the merchant adventurers from the President and Council of New England, " better than their former, and with less limitation." It was very natural, under these circumstances, that the leading colonists should request him to write a letter in their behalf, enclosing a copy of their Journal, to Pierce, in whose name the charter had been taken ; and it was no less natural, that in writing it, he should render a deserved tribute of acknowledgment to the Company, for their "bounty and grace " in allowing them the free possession and enjoyment of the land on which they had involuntarily settled.

OF THE FIRST PLANTERS' COMBINATION BY ENTERING INTO A BODY POLITIC TOGETHER; WITH THEIR PROCEEDINGS IN DISCOVERY OF A PLACE FOR THEIR SETTLEMENT AND HABITATION.

Wednesday, the 6th of September, the wind coming east-north-east, a fine small gale, we loosed from Plymouth, having been kindly entertained and courteously used by divers friends there dwelling ; and after many difficulties in boisterous storms, at length, by God's providence, upon the 9th of November folNov. lowing, by break of the day, we espied land, which we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so afterward it proved. And the appearance of it much comforted us, especially seeing so goodly a land, and wooded to the brink of the sea. It caused us to rejoice together, and praise God that had given us once again to see land. And thus we made our course south-southwest, purposing to go to a river ten leagues to the south of the Cape. But at night the wind being contrary, we put round again for the bay of Cape Cod ; and upon the 11th of November we came to an anchor j

' This river was the Hudson, coast. Te?i may possibly be an Little was known at that time error of the press, about distances on this unsurveved

, in the bay/ which is a eood harbour and pleasant bay, U circled round, except in the entrance, which is about four miles over from land to land,- compassed about to the very sea with oaks, pines, juniper, sassafras, and other sweet wood. It is a harbour wherein a thousand sail of ships may safely ride. There we relieved ourselves with wood and water, and refreshed our people, while our shallop was fitted to coast the bay, to search

' That is, in Cape Cod or Provincetown harbour.

* This is just the distance from Long Point to the nearest land in Truro.

Few trees are now left round Cape Cod harbour. That they were once common, appears from the name Wood End, given to a part of the coast, and from the stumps that are still found along the shore, particularly at the west end of the harbour,below the present high water mark, just above what is called " the rising." There is quite a grove of pines, called Mayo's Wood, near Snow's hill, at the eastern end of the village. .There are dwarf oaks, too, growing on High Hill. The young trees would thrive if they were enclosed and protected from the cows, who now get part of their living by browsing on them. There are a few sassafras bushes, but no juniper. The juniper was probably the red cedar. Josselyn, in his New England's Rarities, published in 1672, says, page 49, " Cardan says juniper is cedar in hot countries, and juniper in cold countries ; it is here very dwarfish and shrubby, growing for the most part by the sea-side." And Wood, in his New England's Prospect, printed in 1639, says, p. 19, " the cedar tree is a tree of no great growth, not bearing above a foot and a lialf at the most, neither is it very high. This wood is of color red and white, like yew, smelling as sweet as juniper." In 1740 there was a number of oaks in the woods northwest of East Harbour.

* Cape Cod harbour is formed by the spiral bending of the land, from Pamet river to Long Point, nearly round every point of the compass; it is completely landlocked. " It is one of the finest harbours for ships of war on the whole of our Atlantic coast. The width, and freedom from obstructions of every kind, at its entrance, and the extent of sea-room upon the bay side, make it accessible to vessels of the largest class in almost all winds. This advantage, its capacity, depth of water, excellent anchorage, and the complete shelter it affords from all winds, render it one of the most valuable ship harbours upon our coast, whether considered in a commercial or m.ilitary point of view." See Major J. D. Graham's Report, pp. 2 and 13, No. 121 of Executive Documents of the 25th Congress, 2d Sess. 1S37-8, vol. 5. — Major Graham was employed by the government of the United States, during portions of the years 1833, 1834, and 1835, assisted by seven engineers, to survey the extremity of Cape Cod, including the townships of Provincetown and Truro, with their sea-coast, and the harbour of Cape Cod. This survey was executed with the greatest accuracy and precision, and a large and beautiful map, on a scale of six inches to a mile, was projected from it and published by order of Congress in 1838. It is very desirable that the whole Cape should be surveyed in the same manner.

for a habitation. There was the greatest store of fowl ' chap. that ever we saw. .

And every day we saw whales playing hard by us ; 1 6 20. of which in that place, if we had instruments and 11.' means to take them, we might have made a very rich return ; which, to our great grief, we wanted. Our master and his mate, and others experienced in fishing, professed we might have made three or four thousand pounds' worth of oil. They preferred it before Greenland whale-fishing, and purpose the next winter to fish for whale here. For cod we assayed, but found none ; there is good store, no doubt, in their season. Neither got we any fish all the time we lay there, but some few little ones on the shore. We found great muscles, and very fat and full of sea-pearl ; but we could not eat them, for they made us all sick that did eat, as well sailors as passengers. They caused to cast and scour ; but they were soon well again.

Sea fowls come in late in the Cod, where it was carried on enautumn and remain during the tirely in boats, which put off wlienwinter. They were formerly plenever a signal was given by persons ty on the shores; but they have on tiie look out from an elevated been so frequently molested, that station, that a whale was seen to their numbers are much reduced. blow. In 1690 "one Ichabod Pad-

Whales are frequently seen in dock " went from the Cape to NanBarnstable Bay and on the outside tucket to teach the inhabitants

of the Cape, and are killed by boats of that isle the art and mystery

from Provincetown. Occasionally, of catching whales. See Mass.

though more rarely of late, they Hist. Coll. iii. 157. come into the harbour; at the begin- This is a little remarkable ; for

ning of the present century, two or cod are caught at the Cape as early

three whales, producing about a as November. They probably

hundred barrels of oil, were annufished only in the harbour. The

ally caught ; the last that was best season is in February and

killed in the harbour was in Dec. March, when they are caught in

1840, a hump-back, that made fifty great plenty betvifeen Race Point

barrels of oil. The appearance of and Wood End. It was May when

a whale in the harbour is the sigGosnold found them in such abunnal for a general stir among the dance.

hundred graceful five-hand boats ■* Though muscles are found in

tKat line the circling shore of this Cape Cod harbour, yet the sea clam

beautiful bay. The American seems to be meant, as it frequently

whale fishery commenced at Cape produces on the stomach the effects

The bay is so round and circling, that before we — could come to anchor, we went round all the points of 162 0. the compass. We could not come near the shore by three quarters of an English mile, because of shallow water ; which was a great prejudice to us ; for our people, going on shore, were forced to wade a bowshot or two in going a land, which caused many to get colds and coughs ; for it was many times freezing cold weather. Nov. This day, before we came to harbour, observing some not well affected to unity and concord, but gave some appearance of faction, it was thought good there should be an association and agreement, that we should combine together in one body, and to submit to such government and governors as we should by common consent agree to make and choose, and set our hands to this that follows, word for word.

here described. F. — The notes to They also lie all along the shore in

which this letter is annexed were front of the town, but do not extend

written by the Rev. James Freeso far from the land. At low waman, D.D., of Boston. His father ter it is very shallow, and it is still

being a native of Truro, Dr. Freenecessary to wade a considerable

man frequently visited the Cape, distance, to get into a boat, as the

and became strongly attached to writer knows by experience,

it. He wrote a very minute and Here, for the first time in the

accurate topographical account of world's history, the philosophical

it, which may be found in the Mass. fiction of a social compact was

Hist. Coll. vol. viii. His papers realized in practice. And yet it

are signed r. s. denoting his office seems to me that a great deal more

of Recording Secretary of the Mass. has been discerned in this docuHist. Society ; a Society which, in raent than the signers contemplatits 27 volumes, has accomplished ed. It is evident, from page 95,

more than any other literary or that when ihey left Holland, they

scientific association in America. expected " to become a body poli-

' The Mayflower anchored withtic, using amongst themselves civil

in half a furlong of the end of government, and to choose their

Long Point, two miles from the own rulers from among therapresenl village of Provincetown. selves." Their purpose in drawing

The shore is here very bold, and up and signing this compact was

the water deep. simply, as they state, to restrain

* At the head of the harbour, certain of their number, who had

towards Wood End, and at East manifested an unruly and factious

Harbour, the flats extend three disposition. This was the whole

quarters of a mile from the shore, philosophy of the instrument,

In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are chap.

underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign - lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Bri120. tain, France, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, &c., ii. having undertaken, for the glory of God, and advancement of the Christian faith, and honor of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do, by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and one of another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and by vh'tue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony ; unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names, at Cape Cod, the 11th of November, in the year of the reign of our sovereign lord. King James, of England, France and Ireland the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth, anno Domini [Mr. John Carver t 8 John Alden 1

WiLLiAAi Bkadford t 2 Mr. Samuel Fuller 2

Mr. Edward Winslow t 5 * Mk. Chriitophf.r Martin i 4

Mr. VViLLiABi Brewster t 6 * Mk. William Mulling f 5

Mr. Isaac Allerton f 6 * Mr. William White t 5

Capt. Miles Standish t 2 Mn. Richard Warren 1

■whatevermay since have been disones, seeing all had voluntnrily

covered and deduced from it by sulijected themselves to them."

astute civilians, philosophical hisThe signing of the compact on

torians, and imaginative orators, board the Mayflower, has been se-

"One great reason of this covelected as the subject of one of ihe

nant," as Hutchinson says, ii. 458, great national pictures to be placed

"eems to have been of a mere in the rotunda of the Capiiol at

moral nature, that they might reWashington. Another of these

move all scruples of inflicting nesubjects is the sad parting at Delflcessary punishments, even capital Haven, described on page 88.

* Edward Tilly t 162 0. * John Tilly t Nov. Francis Cook

* John Crackston John Billington t

4 * Thomas Williams 3 Gilbert Winslow

The same day, so soon as we could, we set ashore fifteen or sixteen men, well armed, with some to fetch wood, for we had none left ; as also to see what the land was, and what inhabitants they could meet with.

' I have inserted this list from Prince, who found it at the end of Gov. Bradford's MS. From modesty, Bradford omits the title of Mr. to his own name. The figures denote the number in each familyThose with an asterisk (*) prefixed to their names, 2i in number, died before the end of March. Those with an obelisk (t) affixed, IS, brought their wives with them. Three, Samuel Fuller, Richard Warren, and Francis Cook, left their wives for the present either in Holland or England. Some left behind them part, and others all their children, who afterwards came over. John Hovvland was of Carver's family, George Soule of Edward Winslow's, and Dotey and Leister of Hopkins's family. Martin, Warren, Hopkins, Billington, Dotey, Leister, and probably some others, joined them in England. John Allerton and English were seamen. The list includes the child that was born at sea, and the servant who died; the latter ought not to have been counted. The number //fu/oat the signing of the compact was therefore only 100. " So there were just 101, (no, 100,)

who sailed from Plymouth in England, and just as many arrived in Cape Cod harbour. And this is the solitary number, who, for an undefiled conscience and the love of pure Christianity, first left their native and pleasant land, and encountered all the toils and hazards of the tumultuous ocean, in search of some uncultivated region in North Virginia, where they might quietly enjoy their religious liberties and transmit them to posterity." Prince, p. 173.

" These were the founders of the Colony of New Plymouth. The settlement of this colony occasioned the settlement of Massachusetts Bay, which was the source of all the other colonies of New Engand. Virginia was in a dying state, and seemed to revive and flourish from the example of New England. I am not preserving from oblivion the names of heroes whose chief merit is the overthrow of cities, provinces, and empires, but the names of the founders of a flourishing" town and colony, if not of the whole Brilirsh empire in America." Hutchinson, ii. 462.

They found it to be a small neck of land : on this chap.

side where we lay, is the bay, and the further side ~-- the sea ; the ground or earth sand hills, much like . Nov.

the downs'* in Holland, but much better ; the crust of ii. the earth, a spit's depth,' excellent black earth ; all

John Carver, a pious and well approved gentleman, their governor for the first year." Bradford, in Prince, p. 162.

' The men appear to have been landed on Long Point, which tradition says has been diminished in its lenjith, breadth, and height. F.

* By the bay is intended the harbour. See p. 120. Plymouth harbour is aflerwards called a bay; and the same name is given to the harbour of Cummaquid, or Barnstable. F.

* Gosnold, on landing at Cape Cod, in 1602, found " the sand by the shore somewhat deep." Smith, too, calls it "a headland of high hills of sand." The downs, or dunes, along the coast of Holland, are formed by the wind blowing up the sands of the sea-shore. To check the dispersion of the sand, the dunes are sowed regularly every year with a species of reed grass [arundo arenaria.) In a short time the roots spread and combine so as to hold the sand fast together. Linnaeus, in his journey to the islands of Oeland and Gothland, in the Baltic, pointed out to the natives the advantage of planting the seareed grass to arrest the sand and form soil on the shores, to which it is extremely well adapted by the length of its roots. A similar practice has within a few years been adopted at Cape Cod, under the direction and at the expense of the general government. Large tracts of white sand at Provincetewn have been planted with the beach grass (psamm arenaria.) The grass, during 'he spring and summer, grows aKout two feet and

a half. If surrounded by naked beach, the storms of autumn and winter heap up the sand on all sides, and cause it to rise nearly to the top of the plant. In the ensuing spring the grass sprouts anew ; is again covered with sand in the winter; and thus a hill or ridge continues to ascend as long as there is a sufficient base to support it, or till the surrounding sand, being also covered with beach grass, will no longer yield to the force of the wind. See Purchas, iv. 1648 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 119, viii. 110; Bigelow's Plants of Boston and its Vicinity, p. 40; Pulleney's General View of the Writings of Linnaeus, p. 35.

The depth of a spade. F. "A spade's depth thrown out in digging is still called a spit." Richardson's Diet. art. Spade.

Some persons may smile at reading of " a spade's depth of excellent black earth" at the extremity of Cape Cod. And yet, even now, after the woods are cut down, and free scope is given to the winds lo scatter the sands over the vegetable mould of centuries, there is, at High Head, in Truro, Avithin four miles of Long Point, where the Mayflower was anchored, an " excellent black earth " more than a foot in depth, which for years, without manure, has produced 50 to 60 bushels of corn to the acre. It is based on an old Indian clambed, in which I observed the shells of the oyster, the scallop, the quahaug, the sea clam, and the common clam. This rich soil is on the property of James Small, whose hospitable dwelling is near the Highland Light.

, wooded with oaks, pines, sassafras, juniper, birch, -- hollj, vines, some ash, wahiut; the wood for the most 12 0. pgi't open and without underwood, fit either to go or ride in. At night our people returned, but found not anj person, nor hal)itation ; and laded their boat with juniper, which smelled very sweet and strong, and of which we burnt the most part of the time we lay there.

* There are three kinds of oak on the Cipe, the red oak, {quercus ruhra,) the hi ick oak, {quercus fincloria,) and the white oak, {quercus alba.) The frames of the oldest buildings there are made of white oak, which is one of the most durable kinds of timber. The pine is the pitch pine, {■pinus rigida); the birch is the white birch, (/>e/(//a pnpulrfoUa) ; the holly is the American holly, an evergreen, {ilex opaca) ; the ash is the white ash, {fra.riiius Americana,) and the walnut is the while walnut, {juglans tomenfoxa.)

" The salvages are accustomed to set fire to the country in all places where they come, and to burn it twice a year, viz. at the spring, and the fall of the leaf. The reason that moves them to do so is because it would otherwise be so overgrown with underweeds, that it would be all a coppice wood, and the people would not be able in any wise to pass through the country out of a beaten path. This custom of firing the country is the means lo make it passable, and by that means the trees grow here and there, as in our pirks, and makes the country very iieautiful and commodious." Morion's New English Canaan, ch. 18. (printed in 1632. Morton was here in 1622 and ) " Wiiereas it is generally conceived that the woods grow so thick that there is no more clear ground than is hewed out by labor of men, it is nothing so ; in many places, divers

acres being clear, so that one may ride a hunting in most places of the land. There is no underwood, saving in swamps and low grounds ; for it being the custom of the Indians to burn the woods in November, when the grass is withered, and leaves dried, it consumes all the underwood and rubbish, which otherwise would overgrow the country, making it impassable, and spoil their much atTected hunting. So that by this means, in these places where the Indians inhabit, there is scarce a bush or bramble, or any cumbersome underwood to be seen in the more champaisn ground." Wood's New England's Prospect, ch. 5. (Wood was here in 163,3.) The woods in some parts of Wellfleet and Eastham are now entirely free from underwood, as in the time of the Pilgrims.

4 The juniper was no doubt the red cedar, or savin, {junipenis Virginiana,) an evergreen which is still common on the Cape. It resembles very much the juniprrus sabina or common savin of Europe, which bears the junijier berries. The taste of the leaves in the two species is nearly the same. The wood of the red cedar is odorous, and the leaves, when bruised, emit a resinous, aromatic odor. It burns freely on account of its resinous qualities. Morton says, " Of cedar there is abundance ; and this wood was such as Solomon used for the buildin!! of that glorious temple of Hierusalem. This wood cuts red."

THE FIRST EXCURSION UP THE CAPE. 125

Monday, the 13th of November, we unshipped our chap. shallop, and drew her on land, to mend and repair her, -— having been forced to cut her down in bestowing her 16 20.

betwixt the decks, and she was much opened with the 13. people's lying in her ; which kept us long there, for it was sixteen or seventeen days before the carpenter had finished her. Our people went on shore to refresh themselves, and our women to wash, as they had great need. But whilst we lay thus still, hoping our shallop would be ready in five or six days, at the furthest, (but our carpenter made slow work of it, so that) some of our people, impatient of delay, desired for our better furtherance to travel by land into the country, (which was not without appearance of danger, not having the shallop with them, nor means to carry provision but on their backs,) to see whether it might be fit for us to seat in or no ; and the rather, because, as we sailed into the harbour, there seemed to be a river opening itself into the main land. The willingness of the persons was liked, but the thing itself, in regard to the danger, was rather permitted than approved ; and so with cautions, directions, and instructions, sixteen men were set out, with every man his musket, sword, and corslet, under the conduct of Captain Miles Standish ; *

See Michaux's Sylva Americana, Nov. 16, and from their "lighting

iii. 221, and Bigelow's Medical all their matches," Nov. 30. Even

Botany, iii. 49. as late as 16S7 matcli-locks were

' It would seem that the day beused instead of flint-locks in the

fore, being Sunday, they remained regiments of the Duke of Brunsquietly on board. wick. See Beckmann's History of

* Pamet river. Winslow spells Inventions, iii. 440. it Paomet, and Capt. Smith Paw- '' Miles Standish appears now

met. It is pronounced as if spelt in these chronicles for the first

Barmit. time, as the military leader of the

' Their guns were matchlocks, Pilgrims. His name has not been

as appears from their "having five mentioned in Gov. Bradford's Hisor six inches of match burning," tory. He took no part in the neCAPTAIN MILES STANDISH.

. unto whom was adjoined, for counsel and advice, William Bradford,' Stephen Hopkins, and Edward TiUey.

gotiations with the Virginia Company or with the merchant adventurers. He was not one of Robinson's church before it left England ; but serving in the Low Countries, in the forces sent over by Queen Elizabeth to aid the Dutch against the Spaniards, he fell in, as Winslow did, with Robinson and his congregation, liked them and their principles, and though not a member of their church, either voluntarily, or at their request, embarked with them for America. Morton, p. 262, says that he was *' a gentleman, born in Lancashire, and was heir apparent unto a great estate of lands and livings, surreptitiously detained from him, his great grandfather being a second or younger brother from ihe house of Standish." This is not improbable. There are at this time in England two ancient families of the name, one of Standish Hall, and the other of Duxbury Park, both in Lancashire, who trace their descent from a common ancestor, Ralph de Standish, living in 122L There seems always to have been a military spirit in the family. Froissart, relating in his Chronicles the memorable meeting between Richard IL and Wat Tyler, says that after the rebel was struck from his horse by William Walworth, "then a squyer of the kynges alyted, called John Standysshe, and he drewe out his sworde, and put into Wat Tyler's belye, and so he dyed." For this act Standish was knighted. In 1415, another Sir John Standish fought at the battle of Agincourt. From his giving the name of Duxbury to the town where he settled, near Plymouth, and calling his eldest son Alexander, (a common name in the Standish family,) I have no doubt that Miles was a scion from this ancient and warlike stuck, which he

did not dishonor. Whilst writing this note, 1 observe in the journals of the day, the death (Dec. 7, 1840, at Cadiz,) of " Frank Hall Standish, Esq. of Duxbury Hall, Lancashire." — The Plymouth soldier was a man of small stature, but of such an active and daring spirit that he spread terror through all the Indian tribes from Massachusetts Bay to Martha's Vineyard, and from Cape Cod harbour to Narraganset. In the autumn of 1625 he went to England, as an agent of the colony, and returned in the spring of In 1630 he removed to Duxbury, which was undoubtedly so called after the family seat of his ancestors. He had six children, and four sons, Alexander, Miles, Josiah, and Charles, survived him, whose numerous descendants are to be found in several towns in Plymouth county, in Connecticut, and in the State ofNevvYork. He lived and died at the foot of Captain's Hill, in Duxbury, so called after him, a monumental landmark that will hand his name down to the latest times. He was an assistant in 1633, and was repeatedly reelected to this olfice. He died in 1656, but his age is unknown. Smith, in his Hist, of N. Jersey, p. 18, commits a singular error in saying that " about the year 1620 the Plymouth Company sent a fresh recruit from England under the command of Capt.

' Winslow not being one of the party, I consider Bradford the sole author of this part of the Journal.

Stephen Hopkins, whose name stands the 14th in order among the signers of the Compact, with the

Wednesday, the 15tli of November, they were set chap

ashore ; and v.'hen they had ordered themselves in the order of a single file, and marched about the space 16 20. of a mile by the sea, they espied five or six people, 15. with a dog, coming towards them, who were savages ; who, when they saw them, ran into the wood, and whistled the dog after them, &c. First they supposed them to be Master Jones, the master, and some of his men, for they were ashore and knew of their coming ; but after they knew them to be Indians, they marched after them into the woods, lest other of the Indians should lie in ambush. But when the Indians saw our men following them, they ran away with might and main ; and our men turned out of the wood after them, for it was the way they intended to go, but they could not come near them. They followed them that night about ten miles by the trace of their footings, and

honorable prefix of Mr., seems to have been a person of some consideration amon§ the Pilgrims. From the same list it appears that he brought two servants or laborers with him, Dotey and Leister. It has already been mentioned, p. 100, that he had a son born on the voyage, named Oceanus. His wife's name was Elizabeth, and his three other children were Giles, Caleb, and Deborah. We are told further on in this Journal, under Dec. 6, that he joined the emigrants in England, not having been one of Robinson's congregation at Leyden. He went on two at least of the three excursions from Cape Cod harbour, and on the present occasion in the capacity of a counsellor. He was generally deputed to accompany Standish, and from this it may be inferred that be was somewhat of a military man, at least more so than the others ; or it may be, his coolness was deemed important to temper the ardor of the captain. Thus he was adjoined to Standish Feb. 17, 1621, to meet the two Indians who showed themselves on Watson's hill; and March 16, Samoset was lodged for safe keeping at his house. He was also Winslow's companion on his visit to Massassoit at Polcanoket in July. He was an assistant to the governor of Plymouth from 1633 to 1636, and seems to have been much employed in public affairs. Nothing more is known about him, except that he was alive in 1643.

After keeping along the shore for a mile, they turned in to the left after the Indians, and probably pursued them circuitously among the hills back of the village. As they were travelling on foot ia

, saw how they had come the same way they went, and

— — at a turning perceived how they ran up a hill,' to see

whether they followed them. At length night came

upon them, and they were constrained to take up their

lodging. So they set forth three sentinels ; and the

rest, some kindled a fire, and others fetched wood, and

there held our rendezvous that nio;ht.

No- In the morning;, so soon as we could see the trace,

we proceeded on our journey, and had the track until

we had compassed the head of a long creek ; and there they took into another wood, and we after them, supposing to find some of their dwellings. But we marched through boughs and bushes, and under hills and valleys, which tore our very armor in pieces, and yet could meet with none of them, nor their houses, nor find any fresh water, which we greatly desired and stood in need of; for we brought neither beer nor water with us, and our victuals was only biscuit and Holland cheese, and a little bottle of aquavitae, so as we were sore athirst. About ten o'clock

the sands, the distance is probably Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 198; viii.

' Perhaps Snow's hill ; or, it may The writer of course was one

be, Mt. Gilboa or Mt. Ararat. of the parly — undoubtedly Brad-

* Probably near Stout's Creek, ford,

opposite Beach Point. Stout's '' East Harbour Creek, a distance

creek is a small branch of East of about three miles and a half. F.

Harbour creek. Many years ago The entrance into East Harbour is

there was a body of salt inarsh on at the extremity of Beach Point,

it, and it then deserved the name It is very shoal, both at its entrance

of a creek. But the marsh was and within it, having only one to

long since destroyed ; and the creek three feet at ordinary low water,

scarcely exists, appearing only like No other use is made of it as a

a small depression in the sand, and harbour than to moor or lay up the

being entirely dry at half tide. sn)all craft belonging to this place,

One of the life-boats provided by in the winter season, to protect

the Humane Society of Massachuthem from the ice. See Major

setts, at the expense of the State, is Graham's Report, p. 13.

stationed on the outer shore of the * Excepting the trees and bushes,

Cape, opposite Stout's creek. Grawhich have disappeared, ihis is aa

ham puts the creek down on his exact description of that part of

chart, but omits the name. See Truro, called East Harbour. F.

we came into a deep valley/ full of brush, wood-gaile,- chap.

and long grass, through which we found little paths or — -

tracks: and there we saw a deer, and found springs 120.

Nov. of fresh water, of which we were heartily glad, and 16.

sat us down and drunk our first New England water,

with as much delight as ever we drunk drink in all

When we had refreshed ourselves, we directed our

course full south, that we might come to the shore,

which within a short while after we did, and there

' In this valley is the small village of East harbour. It is going to decay, and probably will not long exist. F- — There are now four or five houses remaining. An old gentleman, resident in the valley, told me on the spot in Aug. 1840, that he recollected when there were seventeen houses there.

" The wood-gaile was probahly what is called the sweet gale, or Dutch myrtle, {myrica gale.) See Bigelow's Plants of Boston and its vicinity, p. 393, (3d ed.)

In the midst of the valley above mentioned is a swamp called Dyer's swamp. Around it was formerly a number of springs of fresh water ; and a few still remain, though probably before another century is closed, they will be choked with sand, as many of them already have been. F. — There is now in the valley a hollow overgrown with bushes ; but in Aug. 1840, 1 could find no springs round it, and the oldest inhabitant recollected none.

* The water and air of New England have always been justly famous. Brereton, Avho accompanied Gosnold in 1602, speaks of the "many springs of excellent sweet water" which he found on the Elizabeth islands. Capt. John Smith, in his Description of New England says, " the waters are most pure, proceeding from the entrails of rocky mountains." Higginson, in his New England's

Plantation, remarks that " the country is full of dainty springs," and that " a sup of New England's air is better than a whole draught of Old England's ale." Morton, in his New English Canaan, ch. 8, says " and for the water, therein it excelleth Canaan by much ; for the land is so apt for fountains, a man cannot dig amiss. Therefore if the Abrahams and Lots of our times come thither, there needs be no contention for wells. In the delicacy of waters, and the conveniency of them, Canaan came not near this country." Wood, in his New England's Prospect, ch. 5, says " the country is as well watered as any land under the sun ; every family or every two families having a spring of sweet water betwixt them. It is thought there can be no better water in the world.

The course from Dyer's swamp to the Pond is south. F.

, made a fire, that they in the ship might see where we

— v were, as we had direction ; and so marched on towards

this supposed river. And as we went in another val16. ley, we found a fine clear pond of fresh water, being

about a musket shot broad, and twice as long. There

grew also many small vines, and fowl and deer haunted

there. There grew much sassafras. From thence

we went on, and found much plain ground, about fifty

acres, fit for the plough, and some signs where the

■ Pond village, which was formerly the principal village in Truro, but of late years exceeded by Pamet, takes its name from this pond. It is situated about a mile south of the village of East harbour. The high and steep banks on the bay are here intersected by a valley which runs directly from the shore, and soon divides itself into two branches. In this valley the houses stand, and are defended from the winds, whilst the entrance of it affords a convenient landing place. The pond begins near the western shore, and extends east. About a mile east of it, on the Clay Pounds, stands the Highland or Cape Cod light-house. The pond is not now more than half-a-musket shot broad, though it is quite as long as it is here represented, lu Aug. 1840, I found the upper or eastern part of it overgrown with flags and bushes. It was no doubt formerly much larger, and has been gradually filling up. Many of our swamps were originally ponds of water.

Deer were seen near this pond by persons living at the beginning of the present century. F.

This is the third time the sassafras has been mentioned. On the first discovery of America, great medicinal virtues were ascribed to the bark and roots of this tree, and ship-loads of it were exported to Europe. Monardes, a Spanish physician of Seville who pul)lished in 1574, his second part of his " Historia medicinal de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias Occidentalesquesirven en medicina," after mentioning its great efficacy in dropsies, agues, liver-complaints, &c. ends with exclaiming, fol. 62, " Bendito nuestro Seuor, que nos dio este tan excelentissimo arbol, llamado sassafras, que tan grandes virtudesy tan maravillosos efectos, como avemos dicho, tiene, y mas los que el tierapo nos enseilara, que es descubridor de todas las cosas." The roots were sold in England at three shillings a pound in Gosnold's time, (1602,) who partly loaded his vessel with itfrom one of the Elizabeth islands. Brereton, the journalist of that voyage, speaks of " sassafras trees, great plenty, all the island over, a tree of high price and profit;" and Archer, another of the voyagers, says that " the powder of sassafras in twelve hours cured one of our company that had taken a great surfeit by eating the bellies of dog-fish, a very delicious meat." See Purchas, iv. 1646, 1649, 1653; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 257 ; Michaux's Sylva Americana, ii. 144 ; Bigelow's Medical Botany, ii. 142, and Plants of Boston and its Vicinity, p. 170. For the use of Monardes, and of " Frampton's loyfuU Newes out of the New-found Worlde," which is nothing but a translation of it, printed at London in 1596, I am indebted to the rich library of Harvard College. — Sassafras is still found on Cape Cod, but in a dwarfish form.

* The land on the south side of the Pond is an elevated plain. F.

Indians had ibrmerly planted their corn.* After this, chap.

some thought it best, for nearness of the river, to go — v- down and travel on the sea sands, by which means 162 0

some of our men were tired, and lagged behind. So 16. we stayed and gathered them up, and struck into the land again ; where we found a little path to certain heaps of sand, one whereof was covered with old mats,

' " The Indian corn {zea mays) called by the Mexicans tlaolli, by the Haytians maize, and by the Massachusetts Indians eachim/nineash, is found everywhere on the continent from Patagonia to Canada, and next to rice and wheat, is the most valuable of grains. There can hardly be a doubt that it is a native of America, unknown before the discovery of Columbus. The adventurers who first penetrated into Mexico and Peru ibund it everywhere cultivated, and in common use as an article of food among the aborigines. Its culture did not attract notice in Europe till after the voyage of Columbus, nor is it described in any work prior to the end of the 15th century. It was unknown to tiie ancient Greek and Roman writers, the passages in their works which have been supposed to refer to it being more applicable toother grains, such as the holms sorghum. It is not mentioned by the earlier travellers who visited China, India, and other parts of Asia and Africa, and who were very minute in describing the productions of the countries which they visited. Acosta, in his Natural and Moral History of the Indies, (published in 1596,) says, lib. iv. ch. 16. " In our discourse on plants we will begin with those which are proper and peculiar to the Indies. As wheat is the most common grain for the use of man in the regions of the old world, so in the new found world the most common grain is mays, the which is found almost in all the kingdoms of the West Indies. I do not think that this mays is any thing inferior to

our wheat, in strength nor substance. To conclude, God hath imparted to every region what is needful. To this continent he hath given wheat, which is the chief nourishment of man ; and to the Indians he hath given mays, which hath the second place tow-heat, for the nourishment of men and beasts." "The maize is correctly figured in Oviedo's General and Natural History of the Indies, in Ramusio, Delle Navigationi et Viaggi, iii. fol. 131. See Hernandez, Historia Plantarum Novae Hispanise, lib. vi. cap. 44; Lamarck's Botany, in the Encvclopdie Methodique, xxxvi. 680, 'Planches, 749; and Winlhrop's Description of Maize in the London Phil. Trans, xi. 1065.

— The principal argument against the American origin of maize is that it has never been found growing wild in any part of this continent. This statement, however, is disputed. Cobbett, in his Essay on Corn, ch. 2, maintains that " the cultivation of Indian corn is as old as the world itself," fnd draws his chief arguments from the following passages of Scripture

— Matt.xii. 1; 2 Kings, iv.2; Job xxiv. 24; Lev. ii. 14; xxiii. 14; Deut. xxiii. 24, 25 ; Gen. xli. 5, which he thinks are applicable to maize, but not to wheat.

' Probably at the Great Hollow. F. A mile south of the Pond village, the bank on the bay is intersected by another valley, called the Great Hollow. This valley and another near it, towards the southeast, called the Great Swamp, contain several houses. The Great Hollow is separated from the Pond

WALNUTS, STRAWBERRIES, AND VINES.

, and had a wooden thinir, like a mortar, whelmed on

— — the top of it, and an earthen pot laid in a little hole at 162 0. the end thereof. We, miising what it might be, digNov. ' & & ' to

16. ged and found a bow, and, as we thought, arrows, but they were rotten. We supposed there were many other things ; but because we deemed them graves, we put in the bow again, and made it up as it was, and left the rest untouched, because we thought it would be odious unto them to ransack their sepulchres.

We went on further and found new stubble, of which they had gotten corn this year, and many walnut trees full of nuts, and great store of strawberries, and some vines. Passing thus a field or two, which were not

village by a high hill, which commands an extensive prospect of the ocean, Cape Cod harbour, and the opposite shore, as far as the broad bluff of Manomet, in Plymouth, and the high lands of Marshfield.

* T. Morton says, ch. 2, "Of walnut trees there is infinite store, and there are four sorts ; it is an excellent wood, for many uses approved." Wood says, ch. 5, " the walnut tree is something different from the English walnut, and bears a very good nut, something smaller, but nothing inferior in sweetness and goodness to the English nut, having no bitter peel." And Jossely n says, p. 50, " the nuts of the walnut differ much from ours in Europe, they being smooth, much like a nutmeg in shape, and not much bigger; some three cornered, all of them but thinly replenished with kernels."

" There is strawberries," says Wood, " in abundance, very large ones, some being two inches about; one mav gather half a bushel in a forenoon." Roger AVilliams, in his Key into the Language of America, ch. 16, says " This berry is the wonder of all the fruits, growing naturally in those parts. In some

" Vines there are that bear grapes of three colors, white, black, and red. The country is so apt for vines that, but for the fire at the spring of the year, the vines would so overspread the land, that one should not be able to pass for them. The fruit is as big, of some, as a musket ball, and is excellent in taste." T. Morton, ch. 2. " The vines afford great store of grapes, which are very big, both for the grape and cluster, sweet and good. These be of two sorts, red and white. There is likewise a smaller kind of grape, which groweth in the islands, which is sooner ripe, and more delectable." Wood, ch. 5.

2:reat, we came to another/ which had also been new chap.

gotten, and there we found where a house had been, — v-

and four or five old planks laid toirether.- Also we . . Nov.

found a great kettle, which had been some ship's keti6.

tie, and brought out of Europe. There was also a

heap of sand, made like the former, — but it was

newly done, we might see how they had paddled it

with their hands, — which we digged up, and in it we

found a little old basket, full of fair Indian corn ; and

digged further, and found a fine great new basket, full

of very fair corn of this year, with some six and thirty

goodly ears of corn, some yellow, and some red, and

others mixed with blue,"* which was a very goodly sight.

The basket was round, and narrow at the top. It

held about three or four bushels, which was as much

as two of us could lift up from the ground, and was

very handsomely and cunningly made. But whilst

' From the Great Hollow the in this manner it is preserved from

sixteen adventurers travelled south destruction or putrefaction, to be

to tlie hill which terminates in used in case of necessity, and not

Hopkins's cliff (or Uncle Sam's else." T. Morton, ch. 13. "Their

hill, as it is now vulgarly called.) corn being ripe, they gather it, and

This they called Cornhill. The dry it hard in the sun, convey it to

Indians formerly dwelt in great their barns, which be great holes

numbers on this hill ; and the digged in the ground, in form of a

shells, deposited by them on it, are brass pot, ceiled with rinds of trees,

still ploughed up in abundance, wherein they put their corn."

Hopkins's cliff'is between the Great Wood, ch. 20.

Hollow and Hopkins's creek, or This corn of mixed colors on

Pamet little river, as it is now the same cob, yellow, red, and blue,

called. is still common at Truro.

This was probably the remains " In summer they gather flags,

of a hut built by some shipwrecked of which they make mats for

sailors. houses, and hemp and rushes, with

" Their barns are holes made dying stuff', of which they make

in the earth, that will hold a hogscurious baskets, with intermixed

head of corn apiece. In these, colors, and portraitures of antique

when their corn is out of the husk, imagery. These baskets be of all

and well dried, they lay their store sizes, from a quart to a quarter, in

in great baskets, with mats under, whicli they carry their luggage.""

about the sides, and on the top; Wood, ch. 30. " Instead of shelves,

and putting it into the place made they have several baskets, wherein

for it, they cover it with earth, and they put all their household stuff.

, we were busy about these thin£;s, we set our men senIX "

— tinel in a round ring, all but two or three, which digged

up the corn. We were in susiDense what to do with it

16. and the kettle ; and at length, alter much consultation, we concluded to take the kettle, and as much of the corn as we could carry away with us ; and when our shallop came, if we could lind any of the people, and come to parley with them, we would give them the kettle again, and satisfy them for their corn. So we took all the ears, and put a good deal of the loose corn in the kettle, for two men to bring away on a staff. Besides, they that could put any into their pockets, filled the same. The rest we buried again ; for we were so laden with armorthat we could carry no more.

Not far from this place we found the remainder of an old fort or palisado, which, as we conceived, had been made bv some Christians. This was also hard by that place which we thought had been a river ; unto which we went, and found it so to be, dividing itself into two arms by a high bank, standing right

They have some great bags or ish's grandsons is said to have been

sacks, made of hemp, which will in possession of his coat of mail,

hold five or six bushels." Roger His sword and that of Carver and

Williams, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. Brewster, are in the cabinet of the

212. Massachusetts Historical Society.

' It will be seen that within six Some doubt however is thrown on months they scrupulously fulfilled this point from the circumstance this their honest intention, and that the Pilgrim Society of Plygave the owners of the corn "full mouth have also in their possescontent." The censure of Baylies, sion "the identical sword-blade i. 54, on their conduct as " inexcuused by Miles Standish." See sable," and as "compromising their Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 216, 336; consciences," might as well have Thacher's History of Plymouth, been spared. p. 258, second edition.

It is worthy of notice that the ' Perhaps by the same persons

Pilgrims were cased in armor. See who owned the kettle and built the

pages 125 and 123. One of their hut. See page 133. corslets would be a far more pre- * Bradford, in his History, as

cious relic than a cuirass from the quoted by Prince, p. 163, says " a

field of Waterloo. One of Standhigh cliflf of sand at the entrance."

bj the cut or moutli, which came from the sea. Th; which was next unto us was the less.' The oth( arm was more than twice as big, and not unlike to 16 2 0.

be a harbour for ships ; but whether it be a fresh river, i6. or only an indraught of the sea, we had no time to discover ; for we had commandment to be out but two da vs. Here also we saw two canoes : the one on

This is an accurate description of the entrance of Patnet river. The high bank of sand, is called Old Tom's hill, after an Indian chief, who in former times had its seat on its summit, and who received this name from the first English settlers. It is the termination of a neck of land situated between the two creeks, called Indian Neck, it having been reserved to the Indians on the first settlement of Truro, about the year 1700. Prince, p. 163, has fallen into a great mistake in supposing that Barnstable harbour was the place here described. The description does not suit the harbour of Barnstable, or any other creek or inlet in the bay, except Pamet harbour; and, as Belknap rightly observes, (Am. Biog. ii. 196,) neither the time nor distance can agree with Prince's conjecture. Biirnstable is fifty miles from Cape Cod harbour by land; a distance which could not have been travelled, and back again, in three short days of November. F.

' The smallest creek, which was next to the travellers, is called Hopkins's creek, or Pamet little river. There is on it a body of salt marsh, which runs half way across the township of Truro. The depth of water in this creek, when the tide is in, is five feet. F.

* Pamet river, which is a creek forced into the land from the bay, and extends almost across the township, being separated from the ocean by nothing but a narrow beach and embankment, which the water has been known to break

over. The creek runs through a body of salt marsh. The mouth of it lies nearly south-east from Cape Cod harbour, nine miles distant. It is about a mile south of the Great Hollow, and is a little to the north of what is called the shoal ground, without Billingsgate Point. The part of Truro, south of Pamet river, on the bav, is called Hog's Back. See Mass'. Hist. Coll. iii. 196. " Of the birch bark the salvages of the northern parts make them delicate canoes, so light that two men will transport one of them over land whither they list, and one of them will transport ten or twelve salvages by water at a time." T. Morton, ch. 2. " Their canoes are made either of pine trees, which, before they were acquainted with English tools, they burned hollow, scraping them smooth with clam shells and oyster shells, cutting their outsides with stone hatchets; these boats be not above a foot and a half or two foot wide, and twenty foot long. Their other canoes be made of thin birch rinds, close ribbed on the inside with broad thin hoops, like the hoops of a tub; these are made very light; a man may carry one of them a mile; being made purposely to carry from river to river, and bay to bay, to shorten land passages. In these cockling fly-boats, wherein an Englishman can scarce sit without a fearful tottering, they will venture to sea, when an English shallop dare not bear a knot of sail, scudding over the overgrown waves as fast as a wind-driven ship, being driven by their paddles ; being

, the one side, the other on the other side.' We could

---- not believe it was a canoe, till we came near it. So ve returned, leaving the further discovery hereof to

16. our shallop, and came that night back agam to the fresh water pond ; and there we made our rendezvous that night, making a great fire, and a barricado to windward of us, and kept good watch with three sentinels all night, every one standing when his turn came, while five or six inches of match was burning. It proved a very rainy night. Nov. In the morning, we took our kettle and sunk it in the pond, and trimmed our muskets, for few of them would go off because of the wet ; and so coasted the wood again to come home, in which we were shrewdly puzzled, and lost our way. As we wandered we came to a tree, where a young sprit was bowed down over a bow, and some acorns strewed underneath. Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some deer. So as we were looking at it, William Bradford being in the rear, when he came looked also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was immediately caught by the leg. It was a very pretty

much like battledoors ; if a cross trees and smooth wrought cords ;

wave (which is seldom) turn her so strong as it will toss a horse if

keel upside down, they by swimhe be caught in it. An English

ming free her, and scramble into mare, being strayed from her ownher again." Wood, ch. 17. er, and grown wild by her long

' That is, of the bank, in the two sojourning in the woods, ranging

arms of the creek. up and down with the wild crew,

* This proves that their guns stumbled into one of these traps,

were matchlocks. See p. 125. which stopped her speed, hanging

The wood was terminated by her, like Mahomet's coffin, betwixt

the Pond, by the side of which they earth and heaven. In these traps

travelled, and then through a valley, deer, moose, bears, wolves, cats and

which is continued from it, east, foxes are often caught." " The

toward the ocean. F. salvages" says T. Morton, ch. 5,

■* A sapling, a young tree. " take the deer in traps made of

' Wood says, ch. 15, " their deer their natural hemp, which they

traps are springs made of young place in the earth, where they fell

device, made with a rope of their own making, and chap.

having a noose as artificially made as any roper in -v-L. England can make, and as like ours as can be ; which . Nov.

we brought away with us. In the end we got out of 17.' the wood, and were fallen about a mile too high above the creek ; where we saw three bucks,* but we had rather have had one of them. We also did spring three couple of partridges ; and as we came along by the creek, we saw great flocks of wild geese and ducks, but they were very fearful of us. So we marched some while in the woods, some while on the sands, and other while in the water up to the knees ; till at length we came near the ship ; and then we shot off our pieces, and the long Iwat came to fetch us. Master Jones and Master Carver being on the shore, with many of our people, came to meet us. And thus we came both weary and welcome home ; and delivered in our corn into the store to be kept for seed, for we knew not how to come by any, and therefore were very glad, purposing, so soon as we could meet with any of the inhabitants of that place, to make them large satisfaction. This was our first discovery, whilst our shallop was in repairing.

Our people did make things as fitting as they could,

a tree for browse ; and when he * Probably the Canada goose,

rounds the tree for the browse, if {anser Canadensis,) and the dusky

he tread on the trap, he is horsed duck, {anas obscura).

up by the leg, by means of a pole * They probably went down the

that starts up andcatcheth him," west side of East Harbour creek,

' Ropeniaker. and near the moutii forded it, as is

This brought them about a still done at low tide. They then

mile south-east of the head of East waded through Stout's creek, and

Harbour, and about a mile north of also through Mill creek, near Gull

the Highland Light. hill, and passed on to the end of

/ See page 1:0. Long point, near which the ship

* The partridge, {perdix Virginilay. See note ' on page 120.

a?ia,) or quail, as it is called in New 'They had been absent three

England, is still found in Truro. days.

, and time would, in seekino; out wood, and helving; of

- — tools, and sawing of timber, to build a new shallop.

162 0. Btit the discommodiousness of the harbour did much hinder us ; for we could neither go to nor come from the shore but at high water, which was much to our hindrance and hurt ; for oftentimes thej waded to the middle of the thigh, and oft to the knees, to go and come from land.' Some did it necessarily, and some for their own pleasure ; but it brought to the most, if not to all, coughs and colds, (the weather proving suddenly cold and stormy,) which afterwards turned to the scurvy, whereof many died.

When our shallop was fit, (indeed before she was fully fitted, for there was two days' work after bestowed on her,) there was appointed some four and twenty men of our own, and armed, then to go and make a more full discovery of the rivers before mentioned. Master Jones was desirous to go with us, and we took such of his sailors as he thought useful for us ; so as we were in all about four and thirty men. We made Master Jones our leader ; for we thought it best herein

Nov. to g;ratifv his kindness and forwardness. When we

were set forth, it proved rough weather and cross winds ; so as we were constrained, some in the shallop, and others in the long boat, to row to the nearest shore the wind would suffer them to go unto, and then to wade out above the knees. The wind was so strong as the shallop could not keep the water, but was forced to harbour there that night. But we marched six or

' See note' on page 120. wronged ihem. Seenole' on page

" Of course ihey had ten of 102. Jones's crew. ■• This was ten days after their

This s')ows that they could return from their first excursion, have liarbourcd no suspicion * In East Harhour. The men

that Joaes bad betrayed and who uiarcbed several miles, and

THE PILGRIMS EXPLORE PAMET RIVER. 139

seven miles further, and appointed the shallop to come chap. to us as soon as they could. It blowed and did snow — - all that day and night, and froze withal. Some of our 16 20. people that are dead took the original of their death here.

The next day, about eleven o'clock, our shallop came ov. to us, and we shipped ourselves ; and the wind being good, we sailed to the river we formerly discovered, which we named Cold Harbour ; to which when we came, we found it not navigable for ships ; yet we thought it might be a good harbour for boats, for it flows there twelve foot at high water. We landed our men between the two creeks, and marched some four or five miles by the greater of them, and the shallop followed us. At length night grew on, and our men were tired with marching up and down the steep hills and deep valleys, which lay half a foot thick with snow. Master Jones, wearied with marching, was desirous we should take up our lodging, though some of us would have marched further. So we made there our rendezvous for that night under a few pine trees ; and as it fell out, we got three fat geese and

what they supposed to be six or straight line. The tradition is, that

seven miles farther, were landed on Paniel river was formerly deeper

Beach Point, which forms this harthan it is at present, and therefore

hour. F. the shallop miaht easily follow

' Tiie mouth of Pamet river is ' This is an exact description of

twelve feet deep at high water, the land on Pamet river. F.

Thence the water gradually deTruro is composed of hills and

creases to five feet, which is the narrow circular valleys. There are

depth at the lower bridge. This is also some long valleys, running at

to be understood of the lowest tides, right angles with the shore. The

during the summer. F. tops of some of the hills spread

The men were landed al the out into a plain,

foot of Old Tom's hill. F. ® " There are three kinds of

, ■* From Old Tom's hill to the goose, the gray goose, the while

head of Pamet river the distance goose, and the brant." Josselyn,

is about three miles and a half, as p. 9. "There are geese of three

the hills run, or three miles in a sorts, viz. b.rant geese, which are

THEY RETURN TO HOPKINS'S CLIFF.

, six ducks to our supper, which we eat with soldiers' — v- stomachs, for we had eaten httle all that day. Our resolution was, next morning to go up to the head of this river, for we supposed it would prove fresh water. But in the morning our resolution held not, because many liked not the hilliness of the soil and badness of the harbour. So we turned towards the other creek, that we might go over and look for the rest of the corn that we left behind when we were here before. When we came to the creek, we saw the canoe lie on the dry ground, and a flock of geese in the river, at which one made a shot and killed a couple of them ; and we launched the canoe and fetched them, and when we had done, she carried us over by seven or eight at once. This done, we marched to the place where we had the corn formerly, which place we called Conihill ; and digged and found the rest, of which

pied, and white geese which are bigcer, and gray geese wliich are as big and bigger than the tame geese of England, with black legs, black bills, heads and necks black ; the flesh far more excellent than the geese of England, wild or tame. There is of them great abundance ; I have had often a thousand before the mouth of my gun." T. Morton, eh. 4. "The geese of the country be of three sorts; first a brant goose, which is a goose ahnost like the wild goose of England. The second kind is a white goose, almost as big as an English tame goose; these come in great flocks about Michaelmas; sometimes there will be two or three thousand in a flock ; those continue six weeks, and so fly to the southward, returning in March, and staying six weeks more, returning to the northward. The third kind of goose is a great gray goose, with a black neck and a

black and white head, strong of flight, and these be a great deal bigger than the ordinary geese of England ; most of these geese remain with us from Michaelmas to April. They feed on the sea, upon the grass in bays at low water, and gravel, and in the woods of acorns, having, as other fowl have, their pass and repass to the northward and southward." Wood, ch. S.

' " Ducks there are of three kinds, pied ducks, gray ducks, and black ducks, in great abundance ; they are biscer bodied tlian the tame ducks of England." T. Morion, ch. 4. " The ducks of the country be very large ones, and in great abundance. So there is of teal likewise. If I should tell you how some have killed a hundred geese in a week, fifty ducks at a shot, forty teal at another, it may be counted almost impossible, though nothing more certain." Wood, ch. 8.

we were very glad. We also digged in a place a chap. little further off, and found a bottle of oil. We went --- to another place, which we had seen before, and dig16 20. ged, and found more corn, viz. two or three baskets full of Indian wheat, and a bag of beans, with a good many of fair wheat ears. Whilst some of us were digging up this, some others found another heap of corn, which they digged up also ; so as we had in all about ten bushels, which will serve us sufficiently for seed. And sure it was God's good providence that we found this corn, for else we know not how we should have done ; for we knew not how we should find or meet with any of the Indians, except it be to do us a mischief. Also, we had never in all likelihood seen a grain of it, if we had not made our first journey ; for the ground was now covered with snow, and so hard frozen that we were fain with our curtlaxes and short swords to hew and carve the ground a foot deep, and then wrest it up with levers, for we had forgot to bring other tools. Whilst we were in this employment, foul weather being towards. Master Jones was earnest to go aboard ; but sundry of us desired to make further discovery, and to find out the Indians' habitations. So we sent home with him our weakest people, and some that were sick, and all the corn : and eighteen of us stayed still and lodged there that night, and desired that the shallop might return to us next day, and bring us some mattocks and spades with them.

The next morning, we followed certain beaten paths Nov,

and tracks of the Indians into the woods, supposing they would have led us into some town or houses. After we had gone a while, we light upon a very

* Indian corn is still meant. F. * Cutlasses.

, broad beaten path, well nigh two foot broad. Then — '- we lighted all our matches,' and prepared ourselves, concluding; that we were near their dwellings. But,

30. in the end, we found it to be only a path made to drive deer in, when the Indians hunt, as we supposed. When we had marched five or six miles into the woods, and could find no signs of any people, we returned again another way ; and as we came into the plain ground, we found a place like a grave, but it was much bigger and longer than any we had yet seen. It was also covered with boards, so as we mused what it should be, and resolved to dig it up ; where we found first a mat, and under that a fair bow, and then another mat, and under that a board about three quarters long, finely carved and painted ; with three tines or broaches on the top, like a crown. Also between the mats we found bowls, trays, dishes, and such like trinkets. At length we came to a fair new mat, and under that two bundles, the one bigger, the other less. We opened the greater, and found in it a great quantity of fine and perfect red powder, and in it the bones and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow hair still on it, and some of the flesh unconsumed. There was bound up with it a knife, a packneedle, and two or three old iron things. It was bound up in a sailor's

' See note on page 125. gut of this hedge, they set deer

* " The Indians," says Wood, traps." See the description of them

ch. 15, "have other devices to kill on page 136.

their game, as sometimes hedges a ' In the originaWerc — undoubtrnile or two miles long, being a edly a typographical error, mile wide at one end, and made * Of a yard, narrower and narrower by degrees, * Tines, prongs; broaches, spits, leaving only a gap of six foot long. Tines is a word still in common over against which, in the day use in the interior of New Engtime, they lie lurking to shoot the land ; e. g. the tines of a pitchdeer which come through that fork, narrow gut ; in the night, at the

canvass cassock and a pair of cloth breeches.' The chap.

red powder was a kind of embalment, and yielded a strong, but no offensive smell; it was as fine as any 6 20. flour. We opened the less bundle likewise, and found 30. of the same powder in it, and the bones and head of a little child. About the legs and other parts of it was bound strings and bracelets of fine white beads. There was also by it a little bow, about three quarters long, and some other odd knacks. We brought sundry of the prettiest things away with us, and covered the corpse up again. After this we digged in sundry like places, but found no more corn, nor any thing else but graves.

There was variety of opinions amongst us about the embalmed person. Some thought it was an Indian lord and king. Others said, the Indians have all black hair, and never any was seen with brown or yellow hair. Some thought it was a Christian of some special note, which had died amongst them, and they thus buried him to honor him. Others thought they had killed him, and did it in triumph over him.

Whilst we were thus ranging and searching, two of the sailors which were newly come on the shore, by chance espied two houses, which had been lately dwelt in, but the people were gone. They having their

' See pages 133 nnd 134. plank upon ihe top, in the form of

* Waiiipoin, made of the peria chest, before they rover the place

■winkle. F. with earth." And Roger WilJianis

" It is their custom," says says, cii. 32, " after the dead is laid

Wood, eh. 19, "to bury with their in the grave, sometimes, in some

deceased friends their bows and parts, some goods are cast in with

arrows, and good store of their them ; and upon the grave is spread

wampompeag." Morton says, ch. the mat that the party died on, and

IJ, that " in the grave of the more the dish he ate in." noble they put a plank in the hot- * Having come from the ship

torn for the corpse to be laid upon, in the shallop when she relumed

and oa each side a plank, aud a afier carrying Jones on board.

, pieces, and hearing nobody, entered the houses, and — -- took out some things, and durst not stay, but came 162 0. again and told us. So some seven or eight of" us went

30. With them, and found how we had gone within a flight shot of them before. The houses were made with long young sapling trees bended, and both ends stuck into the ground. They were made round, like unto an arbour, and covered down to the ground with thick and well wrought mats ; and the door was not over a yard high, made of a mat to open. The chimney was a wide open hole in the top ; for which they had a mat to cover it close when they pleased. One might stand and go upright in them. In the midst of them were four little trunches knocked into the ground, and small sticks laid over, on which they hung their pots, and what they had to seethe. Round about the fire they lay on mats, which are their beds. The houses were double matted; for as they were matted without, so were they within, with newer and fairer mats. In the houses we found wooden bowls, trays, and dishes, earthen pots, hand-baskets made of crabshells wrought together ; also an English pail or bucket;'' it wanted a bail, but it had two iron ears. There was also baskets of sundry sorts, bigger and some lesser, finer and some coarser. Some were curiously

' For the description of the Inlittle and mean. The pots they

dian wigwams, see Roger Wilseethe their food in are made of clay

liams's Key, ch. 6; Wood's New or earth, almost in the form of an

England's Prospect, ch. 20; Moregg, the top taken off. Their

ton's New English Canaan, ch. 4; dishes and spoons and ladles are

and Gookin's Historical Collections made of wood, very sn)ooth and

of the Indians in New England, ch. artificial, and of a sort of wood not

3, sec. 4, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 149. subject to split." Gookin, ch. 3,

' "They have dainty wooden "* This probably belonged to the

bowls of maple, of high price persons who built the hut and

amongst them." T. Morton, ch. owned the kettle, mentioned on

12. " Their household stuff is but page 133.

THE SECOND EXPLORING PARTY RETURN. 145

wrought with black and white in pretty works, and chap. sundry other of their household stuffJ We found also C- two or three deer's heads, one whereof had been newly 16 20.

killed, for it was still fresh. There was also a com30. pany of deer's feet stuck up in the houses, harts' horns, and eagles' claws, and sundry such like things there was ; also two or three baskets full of parched acorns, pieces of fish, and a piece of a broiled herring. We found also a little silk grass, and a little tobacco seed, with some other seeds which we knew not. Without was sundry bundles of flags, and sedge, bulrushes, and other stuff' to make mats. There was thrust into a hollow tree two or three pieces of venison ; but we thought it fitter for the dogs than for us. Some of the best things we took away with us, and left the houses standing still as they were.

So it growing towards night, and the tide almost spent, we hasted with our things down to the shallop, and got aboard that night, intending to have brought some beads and other things to have left in the houses, in sign of peace, and that we meant to truck with them ; but it was not done by means of our hasty coming away from Cape Cod. But so soon as we

" Some of their baskets are velty." Williams's Key, ch. 16.

made of rushes, some of bents, " They mix with their pottage,

others of maize husks, others of a several sorts of nuts or masts, as

kind of sz7A- ross, others of a kind oak acorns, chestnuts, walnuts;

of wild hemp, and some of barks these husked, and dried, and powof trees; many of them very neat dered, they thicken their pottage

and artificial, with the portraitures therewith." Gookin, ch. 3, sec. 5.

of birds, beasts, fishes and flowers " They make mats of several

upon them in colors." Gookin, ch. sorts, for covering their houses and

3, sec. 6. doors, and to sleep and sit upon.

* " They also dry acorns ; and in The meaner sort of wigwams are

case of want of corn, by much boilcovered with mats made of a kind

in they make a good dish of them ; of bulrush." Gookin, ch. 3, sec. 4

yea, sometimes in plenty of corn, and 6. do they eat these acorns for a no146 REASONS FOR SETTLING AT PAMET RIVER.

, can meet conveniently with them, we will give them

■--v- full satisfaction.' Thus much of our second discovery. 16 20. Havino; thus discovered this place, it was controverDec. ® .

sal amongst us what to do touching our abode and settling there.

Some thought it best, for many reasons, to abide there. As first, that there was a convenient harbour for boats, though not for ships. Secondly, good cornground ready to our hands, as we saw by experience in the goodly corn it yielded, which would again agree with the ground and be natural seed for the same. Thirdly, Cape Cod was like to be a place of good fishing ; for we saw daily great whales, of the best kind for oil and bone, come close aboard our ship, and, in fair weather, swim and play about us. There was once one, when the sun shone warm, came and lay above water, as if she had been dead, for a good while together, within half a musket shot of the ship ; at which two were prepared to shoot, to see whether she would stir or no. He that gave fire first, his musket flew in pieces, both stock and barrel ; yet, thanks be to God, neither he nor any man else was hurt with it, though many were there about. But when the whale saw her time, she gave a snuff, and away. Fourthly, the place was likely to be healthful, secure, and defensible.

But the last and especial reason was, that now the heart of winter and unseasonable weather was come upon us, so that we could not go upon coasting and discovery without danger of losing men and boat, upon

' See page 137 and note ' on page ' That is, at Pamet river. 134.

* Controverted, says Morton, in his Memorial, page 42.

which would follow the overthrow of all, especially chap. considerino; what variable winds and sudden storms do ---

there arise. Also, cold and wet lodgino; had so tainted 1620

our people, (for scarce any of us were free from vehement coughs,) as if they should continue long in that estate, it would endanger the lives of many, and breed diseases and infection amongst us. Again, we had yet some beer, butter, flesh, and other such victuals left, which would quickly be all gone ; and then we should have nothing to comfort us in the great labor and toil we were likely to undergo at the first. It was also conceived, whilst we had competent victuals, that the ship would stay with us ; but when that grew low, they would be gone, and let us shift as we could.

Others, again, urged greatly the going to Anguum, or Angoum,' a place twenty leagues off to the northwards, which they had heard to be an excellent harbour for ships, better ground, and better fishing. Secondly, for any thing we knew, there might be hard by us a far better seat ; and it should be a great hindrance to seat where ' we should remove again. Thirdly, the water was but in ponds ; and it was thought there would be none in summer, or very little. Fourthly, the water there must be fetched up a steep hill.

But to omit many reasons and replies used hereabouts, it was in the end concluded to make some discovery

' Agawam, Ipswich ; Smith calls building their town, for protection

itAugoam. Little was known at against the Indians, on tlie high

this time of Massachusetts Bay, or bank, called Old Tom's hill, near

the distances from one place to the entrance of Pamet river. This

another ; that little was derived hill is still very steep. There is a

from Smith's map and Description Avell now in front of it on the shore,

Coll. xxiii. 1, and xxvi. 118. seemed to have relied on runnmg

* Perhaps an error for whence. streams, and never thought ol sink-

I suppose they contemplated ing wells.

, within the bay ; but in no case so far as Angoum. Besides, Robert Coppin, our pilot, made relation of a 16 20. oieat navigable river and good harbour in the other headland of the bay,- almost right over against Cape Cod, being, in a right line, not much above eight leagues distant, in which he had been once ; and because that one of the wild men with whom they had some trucking stole a harping iron' from them, they called it Thievish Harbour. And beyond that place they were enjoined not to go. Whereupon a company was chosen to go out upon a third discovery. Whilst some were employed in this discovery, it pleased God that Mistress White was brought a bed of a son, which was called Peregrine.

The 5th day we, through God's mercy, escaped a great danger by the foolishness of a boy, one of FranDec. 5.

* Coppin was second mate of the Mayflower.

The other headland of the bay was Manomet Point, and the river was probably the North river, in Scituate.

The word in I insert from Morton, p. 43.

* In the Boston News Letter, of July 31, 1704, the 15th No. of the first newspaper printed in New England, is the following article of intelligence. " Marshfield, July 22, Captain Peregrine White, of this town, aged 83 years and eight months, died here the 20lh inst. He was vigorous and of a comely aspect to the last ; was the son of William While and Susanna his wife, born on board the Mayflower, Capt. Jones commander, in Cape Cod harbour, Nov. 1620, the first Englishman born in New England." In the records of Plymouth Colony is the following entry under Oct. 1665, when Thomas Prince was governor. " In reference unto the request of the King's commissioners in behalf of Lieut. Peregrine White, desiring that the Court would accommodate him with a portion of land, in respect that he was the first of the English that was born in these parts ; and in answer unto his own petition preferred to this Court respecting the premises, the Court have granted unto him 200 acres of land, lying and being at the path that goes from Bridgewater to the Bay, adjoining to the Bay line." A list of his descendants, some of whom are still living, may be seen in Thacher's Plymouth, p. 23.

" Dec. 4, dies Edward Thomson, servant of Mr. White, the first that dies since their arrival. Dec. 6, dies Jasper, a boy of Mr. Carver's. Dec. 7, Dorothy, wife to Mr. William Bradford, (drowned.) Dec. 8, James Chilton." Gov. Bradford, in Prince, p. 165. Prince had Bradford's pocket-book, which contained a register of deaths, births, and marriages, from Nov. 6, 1620, to the end of March, THE THIRD EXPEDITION.

cis Billington's sons,' who, in his father's absence, had chap.

got gunpowder, and had shot off a piece or two, and made squibs; and there being a fowling-piece charged in his father's cabin, shot her off in the cabin ; there being a little barrel of powder half full, scattered in and about the cabin, the fire being within four foot of the bed between the decks, and many flints and iron things about the cabin, and many people about the fire ; and yet, by God's mercy, no harm done.

Wednesday, the 6th of December, it was resolved Dec. our discoverers should set forth, for the day before was too foul weather, — and so they did, though it was well o'er the day ere all things could be ready. So ten of our men were appointed who were of themselves willing to undertake it, to wit. Captain Standish. Master Carver, William Bradford, Edward Winsloe, John Tilley, Edward Tilley, John Houland, and

• Billington was not one of the Leydeti church, but slipped in among the Pilgrims in England. His accession was of no benefit to the colony. He was a mischievous and troublesome fellow. The first offence in the settlement was committed by him. In March, 1621, he was " convented before the whole company for contempt of the Captain's (Standish) lawful commands, with opprobrious speeches, for which he was adjudged to have his neck and heels tied together." Gov. Bradford, in a letter to Cushman, written June 9, 1625, says, " Billington still rails against you, and threatens to arrest you, I know not wherefore. He is a knave, and so will live and die." The prophecy was fulfilled, for he was hung in Oct. 1630, for waylaying and shooting a young man, named John Newcomen. Gov. Bradford says, in his History, " The said Billington was one of the profanest among us.

He came from London, and I know not by what friends shuffled into our company." John, his eldest son, who probably fired the powder, was a young scape-grace, who the next spring wandered off down the Cape as far as Eastham, causing great anxiety to the infant colony, and putting them to the trouble of sending an expedition after him. Francis, the other son, was the discoverer of Billington sea, which will immortalize the name. The mother's name was Helen.

John Howland, the 13th signer of the Compact, is counted as belonging to Carver's family, whose daughter Elizabeth he married. The Plymouth Colony records say that " he was an ancient professor of the ways of Christ ; one of the first comers, and proved a useful

, three of London, Richard Warren, Steeven Hopkins, -v— and Edward Dotte, and two of our seamen, John 162 0. Alderton and Thomas English. Of the ship's company there went two of the master's mates, Master Clarke and Master Coppin, the master gunner, and three sailors. The narration of which discovery follows, penned by one ' of the company.

Wednesday, the 6th of December, we set out, being very cold and hard weather. We were a long while, after we launched from the ship, before we could get clear of a sandy point, which lay within less than a furIn which time two were very sick,

instrument of good, and was the last of the male survivors of those who came over in the Mayflower in 1620, and whose place of abode was Plymouth." John Alden, of Duxbury, outlived him 15 years. The last survivor of the Mayflower was Mary Cushraan, daughter of Isaac Allerton, who was alive in 1698. Rowland died in 1672 at Rocky Nook, in Kingston, aged 80. He had four sons and six daughters, some of whose descendants are still living in the Old Colony and in Rhode Island. A genealogy of the family, written by one of them, the venerable John Rowland, President of the R. I. Historical Society, is inserted in Thacher's Plymouth, p. 129. See Farmer's Genealogical Register of the First Settlers of New England, A pp. art. Howland; Mitchell's Bridgewater, p. 379 ; Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 456, 462.

' They were therefore not members of Robinson's congregation at Leyden. See p. 78, and note ' on p. 122 of this volume.

Richard Warren, the 12th signer of the Compact, with the honorable prefix of Mr. is mentioned by Bradford as a most useful man, during the short time he lived, bearing a deep share in the difficulties and troubles of the plantation. He died in His widow, Elizabeth, survived him about 45 years, dying in 1673, at the age of 90. They had two sons and five daughters. His descendants perpetuate the name in Plymouth, New Bedford, Lowell, Boston, New York, and elsewhere. At the partition of the lands in 1623, Richard Warren's lot was assigned him near Eel river. The farm has continued in the possession of his posterity till within a few years. See Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 462; Morton's Memorial, p. 135 ; Thacher's Plymouth, p. 71.

They were not a part of the Mayflower's crew, but were intended to remain in the country and to manage the Speedwell, had she come over. Their occupation at present, I suppose, was to take charge of the shallop, until another small vessel should be sent over; which took place in Aug. 1623, when a pinnace of 44 tons, called the Little James, arrived.

'' There were 18 in all ; among whom were 12 out of the 41 signers of the Compact.

* I take it to be Bradford. See note ' on pnge 115.

and Edward Tilley had like to have sounded with chap.

cold. The gunner also was sick unto death, (but hope of trucking made him to go,) and so remained 120. all that day and the next night. At length we got 6. clear of the sandy point, and got up our sails, and within an hour or two we got under the weather shore, and then had smoother water and better sailing. But it was very cold ; for the water froze on our clothes, and made them many times like coats of iron. We sailed six or seven leagues by the shore, but saw neither river nor creek. At length we met with a tongue of land, being flat off from the shore, with a sandy point. We bore up to gain the point, and found there a fair income or road of a bay, being a league over at the narrowest, and some two or three in length ; but we made right over to the land before us, and left the discovery of this income till the next day. As we drew near to the shore, we espied some ten or twelve Indians very busy about a black thing, — what it was we could not tell, — till afterwards they saw us, and ran to and fro, as if they had been carrying something away. We landed a league or two from them, and had much ado to put ashore any where, it

* Swooned. Nothing further is then joined the land north of it ;

known of Edward Tilley than that but it is now an island, having

he brought his wife with him, and been cut off' by a ditch many years

had two other individuals in his since ; and beingconstantly washed

family, probably his children, and by the tide, there is now a passage

died before the end of March. John for small light vessels to pass at

Tilley, who was also one of this full sea. Welfleet bay is, as here

exploring party, was probably a described, a league over at the narbrotherof Edward. Healsobrought rowest and two or three in length,

his wife and one other person, most The distance from Long Point to

likely a child, and died before the Billingsgate Point is seven leagues,

appear in the division of the cattle ■* In Eastham, north of Great

' Billingsgate Point. This point

, lay so full of flat sands.' When we came to shore,

■— - we made us a barricade, and got firewood, and set out sentinels, and betook us to our lodging, such as it was. We saw the smoke of the fire which the savages made that night, about four or five miles from us.

In the morning we divided our company, some eight in the shallop, and the rest on the shore went to discover this place. But we found it only to be a bay, without either river or creek coming into it. Yet we deemed it to be as good a harbour as Cape Cod ; for they that sounded it found a ship might ride in five fathom water. AVe on the land found it to be a level soil, though none of the fruitfullest. We saw two becks of fresh water, which were the first running streams that we saw in the country ; but one might stride over them. We found also a great fish, called a grampus, dead on the sands. They in the shallop

' A sandy flat, a mile wide, extends along the western shore of Easthatn, from Dennis to the bounds of Wellfleet. It is left dry about three hours, and may easily be crossed by horses and carriages.

" Wellfleet harbour, which is large, indented within with creeks, where vessels of 70 or SO tons may lie. Large ships may lie safe in what is called the Deep Hole, near the town. There are five and a half fathom of water in the harbour.

The land in Eastham is a level plain.

■• Becks — brooks. One of these no doubt was Indian brook, which forms the boundary between Eastham and Wellfleet, and runs into the harbour of Silver Springs. The spring from which it issues has a white sand at the bottom, resembling that metal. The other was probably Cook's brook, in

Eastham, three quarters of a mile south of Indian brook, or possibly Snow's brook, a mile further south.

* The grampus, {grand-poisson, Fr., grapois, Norm., delphinus orca,) is the largest and most remarkable species of the genus Phocsena, of the cetaceous order of Mammalia. It is a large animal, half the size of the Greenland fullgrown whale, being often seen from 25 to 30 feet in length, and 10 or 12 in circumference. The color is black above, suddenly giving place to white on the sides, which is continued over the abdomen. Individuals of this species are sometimes thrown ashore on the Cape, 20 feet long, and having four inches of blubber. See Jardine's Naturalist's Library, Mammalia, vi. 228 — 232; Shaw's Zoology, Mammalia, vol. ii. part ii. p. SlS; Josselyn, p. 26,

found two of them also in the bottom of the bay, dead chap. in like sort. They were cast up at high water, and - could not get off for the frost and ice. They were some five or six paces long, and about two inches thick 7. of fat, and fleshed like a swine. They would have yielded a great deal of oil, if there had been time and means to have taken it. So we finding nothing for our turn, both we and our shallop returned.

We then directed our course along the sea sands to the place where we first saw the Indians. When we were there, we saw it was also a grampus which they were cutting up. They cut it into long rands or pieces, about an ell long and two handfuU broad. We found here and there a piece scattered by the way, as it seemed for haste. This place the most were minded we should call the Grampus Bay, because we found so many of them there. We followed the track of the Indians' bare feet a good way on the sands. At length we saw where they struck into the woods by the side of a pond. As we went to view the place, one said he thought he saw an Indian house among the trees ; so went up to see. And here we and the shallop lost sight one of another till night, it being now about nine or ten o'clock. So we light on a path, but saw no house, and followed a great way into the woods. At length we found where corn had been set, but not that year. Anon, we found a great burying-place, one part whereof was encompassed with a large palisado, like a church-

They went back, north, toforty feet wide, separates it from

wards Wellfleet harbour. Long pond ; the distance of which

** Rands — strips. from Mill pond, connected with the

' Wellfleet harbour. northern arm of Nauset harbour, is

/* Great pond, in Eastham, north not more than a furlong. A canal

of which they landed. F. This might thus be easily cut, connectpond is a quarter of a mile from ing the bay with the ocean. See

the shore. A narrow neck, about Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 156.

, yard, with young spires,' four or five yards long, set as J close one by another as they could, two or three foot in the ground. Within it was full of graves, some r bijjo-er and some less. Some were also paled about ; and others had like an Indian house made over them, but not matted. Those graves were more sumptuous than those at Cornhill ; yet we digged none of them up, but only viewed them and went our way. Without the palisado were graves also, but not so costly, From this place we went and found more corn-ground, but not of this year. As we ranged, we light on four or five Indian houses, which had been lately dwelt in ; but they were uncovered, and had no mats about them ; else they were like those we found at Cornhill, but had not been so lately dwelt in. There was nothing left but two or three pieces of old mats, and a little sedge. Also, a little further, we found two baskets full of parched acorns hid in the ground, which we supposed had been corn when we began to dig the same ; we cast earth thereon again, and went our way. All this while we saw no people.

We went ranging up and down till the sun began to draw low, and then we hasted out of the woods, that we might come to our shallop ; which, when we were out of the woods, we espied a great way off, and called them to come unto us ; the which they did as soon as they could, for it was not yet high water. They were exceeding glad to see us, for they feared

' Spires — twisted or wreathed saw the grave of Nanepashemet,

boughs. the deceased king, surrounded by a

" "Over the grave of the more nopalisado, and over it " the frame of

ble they erect something in form of a house, wherein, being dead, he

a hearse-cloth." T. Morton, ch. 17. lay buried." See page 142.

The Pilgrims, on their first visit to See page 144.

IMassachusetts Bay, in Sept. 1621, *. See note ' on page 145.

because they had not seen us in so long a time, think- ing we would have kept by the shore side. So being ' both weary and faint, — for we had eaten nothing all that day, — we fell to make our rendezvous and get firewood, which always costs us a great deal of labor. By that time we had done, and our shallop come to us, it was within night ; and we fed upon such victuals as we had, and betook us to our rest, after we had set out our watch. About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry ; and our sentinels called, Arm ! Arm ! " So we bestirred ourselves, and shot off a couple of muskets, and the noise ceased. We concluded that it was a company of wolves or foxes ; for one told us he had heard such a noise in Newfoundland.

' It appears from Gov. Bradford's MS. History, quoted by Prince, p. 165, that the shallop coasted along the shore, south, and that towards night the people on land met it at a creek. This Morton, in his Memorial, p. 44, conjectures to be Namskeket, which is the dividing line between Orleans and Brewster. But it may with more probability be concluded that it was Great Meadow creek, in Eastham. If the travellers had gone as far as Namskeket, they must have crossed Great Meadow creek, then, half a mile south, Boat Meadow creek, then, half a mile further south. Rock Harbour creek, and then, a mile southwest. Little Namskeket creek ; or they must have passed round their heads, which, at a time when the country was covered with a forest very difficult to be penetrated, would have been no easy task. Namskeket creek was best known to the first settlers of Plymouth; and this appears to have been the cause of Morton's supposition. F.

* Probably either Clark or Coppin, the mates of the Mayflower, who had been on the coast before. See pp. 85 and 148.

Newfoundland was not discovered in 1497 by Sebastian Cabot. See Biddle's Life of Cabot, book i. ch. 6. Captain Ptichard Whitbourne, who wrote a book, printed in London in 1622, entitled "A Discourse and Discovery of Newfound-land," says that he was first there in 1582, and again in 1586, " at which time Sir Humfrey Gilbert, a Devonshire knight, came thither with two good ships and a pinnace, and brought with him a large patent from the late most renowned Queen Elizabeth, and in her name took possession of that country, in the harbour of St. John's, whereof I was an eye-witness." Whitbourne was at Newfoundland again in 1588, 1611, 1614, 1615, and Clark or Coppin may have gone in one of his ships. Whitbourne says, p. 8, " In divers parts of the country there are many foxes, wolves, and bears. In 1615, three several times the wolves and

About five o'clock in the morning we "began to be stinino- ; and two or three, which doubted whether 162 0. their pieces would go off or no, made trial of them and 8.' shot them off, but thought nothing at all. After prayer we prepared ourselves for breakfast, and for a journey ; and it being now the twilight in the morning, it was thought meet to carry the things down to the shallop. Some said, it was not best to carry the armor down. Others said, they would be readier. Two or three said, they would not carry theirs till they went themselves, but mistrusting nothing at all. As it fell out, the water not being high enough, they laid the things down upon the shore, and came up to breakfast. Anon, all upon a sudden, we heard a great and strange cry, which we knew to be the same voices, though they varied their notes. One of our company, being abroad, came running in, and cried, " They are men ! Indians ! Indians ! " and withal their arrows came flying amongst us. Our men ran out with all speed to recover their arms ; as by the good providence of God they did. In the mean time, Captain Miles Standish, having a snaphance ready, made a shot ; and after

beasts of the country came down were permitted to interfere with to the sea-side, near to 48 persons their stated devotions, of my company, who were laboring * See note on page 134. about their fish, howling and male- A snaphance is a musket with ing a noise." Wiutbourne's book a flint-lock. In 1643 the housewas published by royal authority, holders at Plymouth were " ordered and distributed throughout the seto be furnished with approved veral parishes of the kingdom. A arras, viz. muskets with snaphance, contribution too was ordered by the or mate blocks with match calivers, Privy Council to be taken in the and carbines, which are allowed, p-irish churches to defray the exand also fowling-pieces." At the pense of the printing, and as time of Philip's war, in 1675, snap- " some reward to him for his great hances were rare, yet a few of them charge, travails, and divers losses were used.

' This incidental remark shows Address at Dedham, p. 61. the religious character of the PilMeyrick, in his Critical Inquiry

grims. No dangers or hardships into Ancient Armour, iii. 88, points

FIRST ENCOUNTER WITH THE INDIANS. 157

him another. After they two had shot, other two of chap.

us were ready ; but he wished us not to shoot till we could take aim, for we knew not what need we should Dec. have ; and there were four only of us which had their s.

arms there ready, and stood before the open side of our barricado, which was first assaulted. They thought it best to defend it, lest the enemy should take it and our stuff; and so have the more vantage against us. Our care was no less for the shallop ; but we hoped all the rest would defend it. We called unto them to know how it was with them ; and they answered " Well ! Well ! " every one, and " Be of good courage ! " We heard three of their pieces go off, and the rest called for a firebrand to light their matches.' One took a log out of the fire on his shoulder and went and carried it unto them ; which was thought did not a little discourage our enemies. The cry of our enemies was dreadful, especially when our men ran out to recover their arms. Their note was after this manner, *' Woach, woach, ha ha hach ivoach. Our men were no sooner come to their arms, but the enemy was ready to assault them.

There was a lusty man, and no whit less valiant, who was thought to be their captain, stood behind a tree within half a musket shot of us, and there let his arrows fly at us. He was seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided ; for he at whom the first arrow was aimed, saw it, and stooped down, and it

out a difference between the firerate from its cover ; whilst in

lock and the snaphance, and quotes the firelock the hammer is affixed

a document which "prefers the to the pan, supplying the place of

firelock," but "if they cannot be its cover, and opening at the perprocured, snaphances willdo," The cussion of .the cock,

lifference seems to be that in the ' See note on page 125.

snaphance a movable hammer was ' These were the Nausetlndians,

placed beyond the pan, and sepaas will appear hereafter.

, flew over him. The rest were avoided also. He stood

three shots of a musket. At length, one took, as he

162 0. said, full aim at him : after which he gave an extraor8.* dinary cry, and away they went all. We followed them about a quarter of a mile ; but we left six to keep our shallop, for we were very careful of our business. Then we shouted all together two several times, and shot off a couple of muskets, and so returned. This we did that they might see we were not afraid of them, nor discouraged.

Thus it pleased God to vanquish our enemies and give us deliverance. By their noise we could not guess that they were less than thirty or forty, though some thought that they were many more. Yet, in the dark of the morning, we could not so well discern them among the trees, as they could see us by our fire-side. We took up eighteen of their arrows, which we have sent to England by Master Jones ; some whereof were headed with brass, others with harts' horn, and others with eagles' claws. Many more no doubt were shot, for these we found were almost covered with leaves ; yet, by the especial providence of God, none of them either hit or hurt us, though many came close by us and on every side of us, and some coats which hung up in our barricado were shot through and through.

' Johnson, in his Wonder-workstatement. In the same chapter iug Providence, ch. 8, says that he says, " Of Plymouth plantation " one Captain Miles Standish, havthe author purposes not to speak ing his fowling-piece in readiness, particularly, being prevented by the presented full at them. His shot, honored Mr. Winslow, who was an being directed by the provident eye-witnessof the work." Edward hand of the most high God, struck Johnson lived at Woburn, in Masthe stoutest sachem among them sachuselts, and his book was printon the right arm, it being bent over ed in London in 1654. See Mass. his shoulder to reach an arrow forth Hist. Coll. xii. 49, 67. his quiver." We know not what * On the return of the Mayflower authority Johnson had for this in April, THE SHALLOP DISABLED. 159

So after we had aiven God thanks for our deliverchap.

ance, we took our shallop and went on our journey, -— ' and called this place The First Encounter. From 16 20.

hence we intended to have sailed to the aforesaid 8. Thievish Harbour, if we found no convenient harbour bj the way. Having the wind good, we sailed all that day along the coast about fifteen leagues f but saw neither river nor creek to put into. After we had sailed an hour or two, it began to snow and rain, and to be bad weather. About the midst of the afternoon the wind increased, and the seas began to be very rough ; and the hinges of the rudder broke, so that we could steer no longer with it, but two men, with much ado, were fain to serve with a couple of oars. The seas were grown so great that we were much troubled and in great danger ; and night grew on. Anon, Master Coppin bade us be of good cheer; he saw the harbour. As we drew near, the gale being stiff, and we bearing great sail to get in, split our mast in three pieces, and were like to have cast away our shallop. Yet, by God's mercy, recovering our-

' Gov. Bradford, in his History, ble that they would have entered

as quoted by Prince, p. 166, says, and made their settlement there.

" They hasten on to a port which ■* Bradford says, in his History,

Mr. Coppin, their pilot, assures " The pilot, being deceived, cries

them is a good one, which he had out, 'Lord be merciful! my eyes

been in, and they might reach benever saw this place before ! ' And

fore night." Coppin might have he and the mate would have run

been on the coast before, either her ashore in a cove full of breakwith Smith or Hunt, in ers, before the wind; but a steers-

* The distance along the coast man calling to the rowers, ' About

from Eastham to the high blufl' of with her, or we are cast away,'

Manomet, in Plymouth, is about they get her about immediately,

45 miles, or 15 leagues. and Providence showing a fair

The snow-storm, which began sound before them, they get under

" after they had sailed an hour or the lee of a small rise of land ; but

twp," prevented their seeing Sanare divided about going ashore,

dy Neck, and led them to overlest they fall into the midst of ■

shoot Barnstable harbour. Had it savages. Some, therefore, keep the

not been for this, it is highly probaboat, but others being so wet,

THE PILGRIMS LAND ON CLARK'S ISLAND.

, selves, we had the flood with us, and struck into the — v- harbour.

Now he that thought that had been the place, was deceived, it being a place where not any of us had been before ; and coming into the harbour, he that was our pilot did bear up northward, which if we had continued, we had been cast awaj. Yet still the Lord kept us, and we bare up for an island before us ; and recovering of that island, being compassed about with many rocks, and dark night growing upon us, it pleased the Divine Providence that we fell upon a place of sandy ground, where our shallop did ride safe and secure all that night ; and coming upon a strange island, kept our watch all night in the rain upon that island.

' The cove where they were in danger lies between the Gurnet Head and Saquish Point, at the entrance of Plymouth harbour.

' Clark's island, just within the entrance of Plymouth harbour, and so called after the mate of the Mayflower, who is said to have been the first to step ashore on it. It is sheltered from the ocean by Salt-house beach, contains about eighty acres of fertile land, and is called by Gov. Hutchinson, i. 360, "one of the best islands in New England." It was neither sold nor allotted in any of the early divisions of the lands, but was reserved for the benefit of the poor of the town, to furnish them with wood, and with pasture for their cattle. Previous to 1638 the "Court granted that Clark's island, the Eel river beach, Saquish, and the Gurnet's Nose, shall be and remain

unto the town of Plymouth, with the woods thereupon." In 1690, Clark's island was sold to Samuel Lucas, Elkanah Watson, and George Morton. The Watson family have been in possession of this island for half a century, and one of them, Edward Watson, now resides on it.

One of the oldest grave-stones on the burial hill in Plymouth, is that of a Thomas Clark, who died in March 24, 1697, aged 98. Some have thought that this was the mate of the Mayflower. But it is not known that his name was Thomas, nor is there any evidence that he ever returned to this country. See Thacher's Plymouth, 168.

Bradford adds, in his History, " In the morning they find the place to be a small island, secure from Indians. And this being the last day of the week, they here dry their stuff, fix their pieces, rest themselves, return God thanks for their many deliverances; and here the next day keep their Christian Sabbath." Prince, p. 167.

LANDING OF THE FATHERS AT PLYMOUTH.

And in the morning we marched about it, and found chap.

no inhabitants at all ; and here we made our rendez- - vous all that day, being Saturday, 10th of December. Dgc. On the Sabbath day we rested ; and on Monday we lo.

sounded the harbour, and found it a very good harbour

for our shipping. We marched also into the land,

' This is the ever-memorable day of the Landing of the Fathers at Plymouth. " The place of the landing is satisfactorily ascertained. Unquestionable tradition had declared that it was on a large rock at the foot of a cliff near the termination of the north street leading to the water. In the year 1774 an attempt was made to remove this rock (over which a wharf had been built) to a more central situation. The rock was split in the operation. The upper part, weighing several tons, was removed, and now stands in front of the Pilgrim Hall, enclosed by a very appropriate iron railing, of an elliptical form. It is regarded by the inhabitants and by visiters as a precious memorial of that interesting event, the arrival of the first planters of New England at their place of settlement. The 22d of December, corresponding to the llih, old style, has long been observed at Plymouth in commemoration of the landing of the Fathers.

President Dwight, of Yale College, says, "Plymouth was the first town built in New England by civilized men ; and those by whom it was built were inferior in worth to no body of men whose names are recorded in history during the last 1700 years. A kind of venerableness, arising from these faets, attaches to this town, which may be termed a prejudice. Still, it has its fouQdation in the nature

of man, and will never be eradicated either by philosophy or ridicule. No New-Englander, who is willing to indulge his native feelings, can stand upon the rock where our ancestors set the first foot after their arrival on the American shore, without experiencing emotions very different from those which are excited by any common object of the same nature. No New-Englander could be willing to have that rock buried and forgotten. Let him reason as much, as coldly, and as ingeniously as he pleases, he will still regard that spot with emotions wholly different from those which are excited by other places of equal or even superior importance." Travels through New England, ii. 110.

De Tocqueville, in the second chapter of his work on America, says, " Ce rocher est devenu un objet de veneration aux Etats Unis. J'en ai vu des fragmens conserves avec soin dans plusieurs villes de I'Union. Ceci ne montre-t-il pas bien clairement que la puissance et la grandeur de I'homme est tout entire dans son ame? Voici une pierre que les pieds de quelques miserables touchent un instant, et cette pierre devient celebre ; elle attire les regards d'un grand peuple ; on en v6nere les debris, on s'en partage au loin la poussiere. Qu'est devenu le seuil de tant de palais? Qui s'en inquiete ?" — " This rock has become an object of veneration in the United States. I have seen bits of it carefully preserved in several towns of the Union. Does not this sufficiently show that all human power and

THE SHALLOP RETURNS TO CAPE COD.

, and found divers cornfields, and little running brooks,

-v- a place very good for situation. So we returned to 162 0. our ship' again with good news to the rest of our peo14. pie, which did much comfort their hearts.

greatness is in the soul of man ? Here is a stone which the feet of a few outcasts pressed for an instant ; and this stone becomes famous ; it is treasured by a great nation ; its very dust is shared as a relic. And what has become of the gateways of a thousand palaces ? Who cares for them ? " — Reeves's Trans.

'■ They left the Mayflower in Cape Cod harbour, December 6, and were three days in getting to

Plymouth. They probably started on their return to the ship on the 13lh, and striking across the bay, a distance of 25 miles, reached her on the 14th. They found that the day after their leaving the vessel, December 7, Dorothy, the wife of William Bradford, who was one of the party in the shallop, fell overboard, and was drowned.

OF THEIR LANDING AND SETTLING AT NEW PLYMOUTH.

On the 15th day we weig:hed anchor to go to the chaf, place we had discovered ; and coming within two --- leagues of the land, we could not fetch the harbour, but . . Dec.

were fain to put round' again towards Cape Cod, our 15.* course lying west, and the wind was at northwest. But it pleased God that the next day, being Saturday the 16th day, the wind came fair, and we put to sea 16. again, and came safely into a safe harbour ; and within " an hour the wind changed, so as if we had been .etted but a little, we had gone back to Cape Cod.

This harbour is a bay greater than Cape Cod, compassed with a goodly land ; and in the bay two fine islands, uninhabited, wherein are nothing but woods,

' In the original, roome ; maniber 6, 1635, two shallops going,

festly an error of the press. laden with goods, to Connecticut,

Clark's island is now the only were taken with an easterly storm, island in Plymouth harbour. It andcast away upon Brown's island, has sometimes been supposed that near the Gurnet's Nose, and the a shoal, called Brown's island, men all drowned." Dr. Freeman, which lies near the entrance of the in his note on this place, considers harbour, about half a mile east by this passage as confirming the supnorth of Beach point, was above position. But Morton, in recordvater at the time the Pilgrims ing the same event in his Memoarrived. Gov. Winthrop, in his rial, p. 182, says, " the night being History of New England, i. 169, dark and stormy, they ran upon has the following record : '' Octoa skirt of a fiat that lietK near

, oaks, pines, walnuts, beech, sassafras, vines, and other — v trees ' which we know not. This bay is a most hope162 0. ful place; innumerable store of fowl, and excellent

good ; and cannot but be of fish in their seasons ;

skate, cod, turbot, and herring, we have tasted of;

abundance of muscles, the greatest and best that ever

we saw ; crabs and lobsters, in their time, infinite.

It is in fashion like a sickle, or fish-hook.

Monday, the 18th day, we went a land, manned

the mouth of the harbour." This seems conclusive of the point that Brown's island was then under water. The other island I suppose was Saquish, which, although a peninsula, very much resembles an island, and may very naturally have been mistaken for one ; or at that time the water may have flowed across the narrow neck which now unites it with the Gurnet, and completely isolated it. Oldmixon, i. 30, commits an egregious blunder when he states, that " the harbour (Plymouth) was a bay larger than Cape Cod, and two fine islands, Rhode Island and Elizabeth Island, in it !"

' The only forest trees now on Clark's island are three red cedars, which appear to be very old, and are decaying. This wood was the original growth of the island, a tree which loves the vicinity of rocks, which abound here. A few years since, the present proprietor of the island, whilst digging out some large roots on its margin, found a number of acorns four feet beneath the surface. Blackberry vines are still found there. On Saquish there is one solitary tree, which has weathered the storms of ages. In 1815 there were two. In earlier times the town forbade felling trees at Saquish within 40 feet of the bank.

- Wild fowl are yet abundant in Plymouth harbour.

Skate and cod are still caught here. The European turbot, it is well known, is not found in our waters. The first settlers probably gave this name to the flounder or small halibut. See Storer's Report on the Fishes of Massachusetts, pp. 140, 145, 146. Higginson, in his New-England's Plantation,enumerates the turbot among other fish. T. Morton, in his New English Canaan, ch. vii. says, " there is a large-sized fish, called halibut, or turbot; some are taken so big that two men have much ado to haul them into the boat." Wood, ch. ix. says, "the halibut is not much unlike a plaice or turbot, some being two yards long, and one wide, and a foot thick." And Josselyn, p. 26, says, "some will have the halibut and turbot all one; others distinguish them; there is no question to be made of it but that they are distinct kinds of fish." The turbot and plaice are very much alike in appearance. See the figures of them in Yarrell's British Fishes, i. 209, 233.

* There are muscles in Plymouth, but generally small, and clams; the Journal probably refers to the latter. Crabs and lobsters are very abundant in the summer season.

* The form of Plymouth Bay, which includes Kingston and Duxbury harbours, is accurately described.

" The words " in the long-boat" seem to be omitted.

THE TREES AND PLANTS OF PLYMOUTH.

with the master of the ship and three or four of the chap. sailors. We marched along the coast in the woods some seven or eight miles/ but saw not an Indian nor 16 20.

an Indian house ; only we found where formerly had is. been some inhabitants, and where they had planted their corn. We found not any navigable river, but four or five small running brooks of very sweet fresh water, that all run into the sea. The land for the crust of the earth is, a spit's depth, excellent black mould, and fat in some places ; two or three great oaks, but not very thick, pines, walnuts, beech, ash, birch, hazel, holly, asp, sassafras in abundance, and vines every where, cherry trees, plum trees, and many others which we know not.* Many kinds of herbs we found here in winter, as strawberry leaves innumerable, sorrel, yarrow, carvel, brooklime, liverwort, water-

' Which ever way the travellers went, they could not have walked seven miles; because northwest, at the distance of four miles, they would have come to Jones's river in Kingston, and southeast, at the distance of three miles, to Eel river. These rivers, though not large, cannot be denominated brooks. F.

* North of the village, towards Kingston, there are five brooks, which were named by the original planters First Brook, Second Brook, &c. in order, beginning from the town. Half a mile south of the village is Wellingsly Brook, by the side of which dwelt Secretary Morton. Double Brook, or Shingle Brook of the first settlers, runs northerly by the post road to Sandwich, and unites with Eel river. Beaver Dam Brook is in the village of Manomet Ponds. Indian Brook is till further south on the shore.

'' This is an exact description of a strip of land, between the hills and the sea-shore, where the gardens now are. The soil too is good on Clark's Island, Saquish, and the Gurnet.

5 The wild grape, both white and red, the blackberry and the raspberry, are found here now.

® All the trees here enumerated are now found in Plymouth. The asp, or aspen, was probably our native poplar. The beach, about three miles long, which lies in front of the village, extending from Eel river, N. N. West, and protecting the harbour, was originally well wooded. Towards the northern part, till 1770, it was quite thickly covered with trees. The inner side of the beach was covered with plum and wild-cherry trees, and the swamp with large pitch pine and beech wood. Beech plums, wild gooseberries, and white grapes were found here in great quantities in their proper season. See a list of the trees, in Mass.

, cresses, great store of leeks and onions/ and an excelX.

- - lent strong kind of flax and hemp. Here is sand, gi-avel, and excellent claj, no better in the world, excellent for pots, and will wash like soap, and great store of stone, though somewhat soft, and the best water "* that ever we drunk ; and the brooks now begin to be full of fish. That night, many being weary with marching, we went aboard again.

The next morning, being Tuesday, the 19th of December, we went again to discover further ; some went on land, and some in the shallop. The land we found as the former day we did ; and we found a creek, and went up three English miles, a very pleasant river * at full sea. A bark of thirty tons may go up ; but at low water scarce our shallop could pass. This place we had a great liking to plant in, but that it was so far from our fishing, our principal profit, and so encompassed with woods, that we should be in much danger of the salvages ; and our number being so little, and so much ground to clear ; so as Ave thought good to

Hist. Coll. xiii. 165, 172, 206; Thacher's Plymouth, p. 328.

' These were probably the allium Canadcnsc.

* The Indian hemp (apocynum cannabmum.) Wood says, ch. 5, " this land likewise affords hemp and flax naturally;" and Captain John Smith mentions " a kind or two of flax, wherewith they make nets, lines and ropes, both small and great, very strong for their quantities." T. Morton too, says, ch.

' The sand, gravel and clay are aptly described. There is not much stone at Plymouth ; a few bowlders of sienite.

* Plymouth is abundantly supplied with springs and brooks of excellent water. F. See p. 129.

Some years since, before the Town Brook was obstructed, tomcods were abundant in December; eels and smelts enter the brooks in autumn.

This was Jones's river, in Kingston, so called, it is supposed, by the Pilgrims, in compliment to the Captain of the Mayflower ; which they would not have done had they entertained any doubt of his fidelity. Jones's river parish was set off from Plymouth in 1717, and incorporated in 1726, as the town of Kinsston. See note on p. 13S. and Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 20S and 217.

THEY CONCLUDE TO BUILD. ON THE BANK. 167

quit and * clear that place till we were of more strength, chap. Some of us, having a good mind, for safety, to plant -v-- in the greater isle, we crossed the ba_y, which is there five or six miles over, and found the isle about a mile and a half or two miles about, all wooded, and no fresh water but two or three pits, that we doubted of fresh water in summer, and so full of wood as we could hardly clear so much as to serve us for corn. Besides, we judged it cold for our corn, and some part very rocky ; yet divers thought of it as a place defensible, and of great security. That night we returned again a shipboard, with resolution the next morning to settle on some of those places.

So in the mornine;, after we had called on God for Dec

direction, we came to this resolution, to go presently

ashore again, and to take a better view of two places which we thought most fitting for us ; for we could not now take time for further search or consideration, our victuals being much spent, especially our beer, and it being now the 19th of December. After our landing and viewing of the places, so well as we could, we came to a conclusion, by most voices, to set on the main land, on the first place, on a high ground, where there is a great deal of land cleared, and hath been planted with corn three or four years ago ; and there is a very sweet brook"* runs under the hill side, and many delicate springs of as good water as can be drunk, and where we may harbour our shallops and boats exceeding well ; and in this brook much good

' I think the word not is here * Now called Town brook. It accidentally omitted. issues from a pond called Billing-

' On the bank, facing the harbour.

168 RAINY AND TEMPESTUOUS WEATHER.

cHAi\ fish in their seasons : on the further side of the river

— - also much corn-ground cleared. In one field is a 16 20. great hill, on which we point to make a platform, and plant our ordnance, which will command all round about. From thence we may see into the bay, and far into the sea ; and we may see thence Cape Cod.' Our greatest labor will be fetching of our wood, which is half a quarter of an English mile ; but there is enough so far off. What people inhabit here we yet know not, for as yet we have seen none. So there we made our rendezvous, and a place for some of our people, about twenty, resolving in the morning to come all ashore and to build houses. Dec. But the next morning, being Thursday, the 21st of December, it was stormy and wet, that we could not go ashore ; and those that remained there all night could do nothing, but were wet, not having daylight enough to make them a sufficient court of guard, to keep them dry. All that night it blew and rained extremely. It was so tempestuous that the shallop could not go on land so soon as was meet, for they had no victuals on land. About eleven o'clock the shallop went off with much ado with provision, but could not return, it blew so strong ; and was such foul weather that we were forced to let fall our anchor, and ride with three anchors ahead."* 1" Friday, the 22d5 the storm still continued, that we

' On the spot now called the Duxbury, and the shores of the bay

Training Green. for miles around, is unrivalled by

2 The Burial Hill, rising 165 feet any sea-view in the country,

above the level of the sea, and co- In a clear day the white sand

vering about eight acres. The hills of Provincetown may be disview from this eminence, embractinctly seen from this hill,

ing the harbour, the beach, the ■* "Dec. 21, dies Richard BritteGurnet, Manomet Point, Clark's rige, the first who dies in this harisland, Saquish, Captain's Hill iu bour." Bradford, in Prince, p. 168.

could not ffet a land, nor they come to us aboard, chap. This morning goodwife Alderton was delivered of a — v-- son, but dead born. 16 20,

Saturday, the 23d, so many of us as could went on Dec. shore, felled and carried timber, to provide themselves * stuff for building.

Sunday, the 24th, our people on shore heard a cry 24. of some savages, as they thought, which caused an alarm and to stand on their guard, expecting an assault ; but all was quiet.

Monday, the 25th day, we went on shore, some to 25. fell timber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to carry ; so no man rested all that day. But, towards night, some, as they were at work, heard a noise of some Indians, which caused us all to go to our muskets ; but we heard no further. So we came aboard again, and left some twenty to keep the court of guard. That night we had a sore storm of wind and rain.

Monday, the 25th, being Christmas day, we began to drink water aboard. But at night the master caused us to have some beer ; and so on board we had divers times now and then some beer, but on shore none at all.

Tuesday, the 26th, it was foul weather, that we 26. could not go ashore.

Wednesday, the 27th, we went to work again. 27.

Thursday, the 28th of December, so many as could 28. went to work on the hill, where we purposed to build

* This was the second child born. ' Bradford adds, in his History,

Its father was Isaac Allerton. " they begin to erect the first

" Dec. 24, this day dies Solohouse, about twenty foot square,

mon Martin, the sixth and last who for their common use, to receive

Prince, p. 168. He must have p. 168. been a son of Christopher Martin.

, our platform for our ordnance/ and which doth com- -v- mand all the plain and the bay, and from whence we 16 20. may see far into the sea, and might be easier impaled, having two rows of houses and a fair street. So in the afternoon we went to measure out the grounds, and first we took notice how many families there were, willing all single men that had no wives to join with some family, as they thought fit, that so we might build fewer houses ; which was done, and we reduced them to nineteen families. To greater families we allotted larger plots ; to every person half a pole in breadth, and three m length ; and so lots were cast ' where every man should lie ; which was done, and staked out. We thought this proportion was large enough at the first, for houses and gardens to impale them round, considering the weakness of our people, many of them growing ill with colds ; for our former discoveries in frost and storms, and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much weakness amongst us, which increased so every day more and more, and after was the cause of many of their deaths. Dec. Friday and Saturday we fitted ourselves for our la3Q bor ; but our people on shore were much troubled and discouraged with rain and wet that day, being very stormy and cold. We saw great smokes of fire made by the Indians, about six or seven miles from us, as we conjectured.

' Vestiges of this fortification The single lots were S.i feet

are still visible on the Burial hill, front by 49 in depth.

See Holmes's Annals, i. 163. * " Here," says Prince, p. 169,

I think there is something " Governor Bradford ends his First

omitted here. The house-lots were Book, containing ten Chapters, in

not laid out on the hill, but in front fifty-three pages folio." I conceive

of it, onLeyden-street, which runs that much of this Relation is in

from the Town Square to Watersubstance, and often in language,

street. Gov. Bradford's History.

STANDISH GOES IN SEARCH OF THE INDIANS. 171

Monday, the 1st of January, we went betimes to chap.

work. We were much hindered in lying so far off --

from the land, and fain to go as the tide served, that ° Jan.

we lost much time ; for our ship drew so much water i, that she lay a mile and almost a half off, though a ship of seventy or eighty tons at high water may come to the shore.

Wednesday, the 3d of January, some of our people 3. being abroad to get and gather thatch, they saw great fires of the Indians ; and were at their corn-fields, yet saw none of the savages, nor had seen any of them since we came to this bay.

Thursday, the 4th of January, Captain Miles Stand4. ish, with four or five more, went to see if they could meet with any of the savages in that place where the fires were made. They went to some of their houses, but not lately inhabited ; yet could they not meet with any. As they came home, they shot at an eagle and killed her, which was excellent meat ; it was hardly to be discerned from mutton.

Friday, the 5th of January, one of the sailors found 5. alive upon the shore a herring, which the master had to his supper ; which put us in hope of fish, but as yet we had got but one cod ; we wanted small hooks.

Saturday, the 6th of January, Master Marten was 6. very sick, and, to our judgment, no hope of life. So Master Carver was sent for to come aboard to speak

* Being a vessel of ISO tons, she gory Priest." Bradford, in Prince,

probably anchored in the Cow p. 182.

Yard, an anchorage near Clark's " This was a singular oversight,

island, which takes its name from If they had had fish-hooks, they

a cow whale which once came into could hardly have suffered so much

it, and was there killed. See for want of food. Winslow, in his

Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 182, and Good News from New England,

Thacher's Plymouth, p. 331. —"The says they wanted "fit and strong

year begins with the death of Deseines and other netting."

, with him about liis accounts ; who came the next

Monday, the 8th of January, was a very fair day, and we went betimes to work. Master Jones sent the shallop, as he had formerly done, to see where fish could be got. They had a great storm at sea, and were in some danger. At night they returned with three great seals,* and an excellent good cod, which did assure us that we should have plenty of fish shortly.

This day Francis Billington, having the week before seen from the top of a tree on a high hill a great sea, as he thought, went with one of the master's mates to see it. They went three miles and then came to a great water, divided into two great lakes ; the bigger of them five or six miles in circuit, and in it an isle of a cable length square ; the other three miles in compass, in their estimation. They are fine fresh water, full of fish and fowl. A brook issues from it ; it will be an excellent place for us in time. They found seven or eight Indian houses, but not lately inhabited.

' Seals still haunt the harbour of margin. See page 149, and Mass.

Plymouth and the Bay of Cape Cod. Hist. Coll. xiii. ISl, and Thacher's

The beautiful pond, so accuPlymouth, p. 320. rately described in the test, bears Town Brook. It passes through the appropriate name of Billington the town, and empties into the Sea. In the first century it was harbour a little south of Forefathers' called Fresh Lake. It is about rock. It has proved an "excellent two miles southwest from the place" indeed, its stream supplying town, proving that the distances in an unfailing water power for nuthis Relation are overstated ; and in merous manufactories. In 1636, it it are two small islands. It is now, was " concluded upon by the Court, as at first, embosomed in a wilderthat Mr. John Jenney shall have ness of woods. The eagle still liberty to erect a mill for grinding sails over it, and builds in the and beating of corn upon the brook branches of the surrounding forest, of Plymouth." Before the brook Here the loon cries, and leaves her was so much impeded by dams, eggs on the shore of ihe smaller vast quantities of alewives passed island. Here too the beautiful up through it annually to Billington wood-duck finds a sequestered reSea. In a single season SOO bartreat; and the fallow deer, mindful rels have been taken. See Thachof their ancient haunts, still resort er's Plymouth, p. 321, 332; Plyto it to drink and to browse on its mouth Colony Laws, p. 56.

When they saw the houses, they were in some fear ; chap.

for they were but two persons, and one piece. • —

Tuesday, the 9th of January, was a reasonable fair I62i.

day ; and we went to labor that day in the building 9. of our town, in two rows of houses, for more safety. We divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build our town, after the proportion formerly allotted. We agreed that every man should build his own house, thinking by that course men would make more haste than working in common. The common house, in which for the first we made our rendezvous, being near finished, wanted only covering, it being about twenty foot square. Some should make mortar, and some gather thatch ; so that in four days half of it was thatched. Frost and foul weather hindered us much.

' " Jan. 8, this day dies Mr. Christopher Martin." Bradford, in Prince, p. 182. He was the ninth signer of the Compact, and one of the few distinguished with the title of Mr. He was not one of the Leyden church, but came from Billerica, in Essex, and was associated with Cushman and Carver to provide means for the voyage. He brought his wife and two children, with him, one of whom, Solomon, died Dec. 24. See pages 78 and 169.

* The houses were built on each side of Leyden street, which extends from the First Church to the harbour. The first entry in the records of Plymouth Colony is an incomplete list of " The Meersteads and Garden-plotes of those which came first, layed out, " Edward Winslow, in his Letter at the end of this Relation, says, "We have built seven dwelling-houses, and four for the use of the plantation." The highway led to the Town Brook.

Peter Grown. Jolin Goodman. Mr. Brewster.

John Billington. j\lr. Isaac Allerton. Francis Cooke. Edward Winslow.

■ On the spot where it is supposed the common house stood, in digging a cellar, in ISOl, there were discovered sundry tools and a plate of iron, seven feet below the surface of the ground. F.

Providentially it was a very mild winter. See page 105. The ice often remains in the harbour from Christmas to March ; but at this time it appears not to have been frozen. In Dec. of 1831 and 1834 the harbour and shores were an expanse of ice and snow, and the thermometer several degrees

This time of the year seldom could we work half the week.

Thursday, the 11th, William Bradford being at work, (for it was a fair day,) was vehemently taken with a grief and pain, and so shot to his huckle-bone, it was doubted that he would have instantly died. He got cold in the former discoveries, especially the last ; and felt some pain in his ankles by times ; but he grew a little better towards night, and in time, through God's mercy in the use of means, recovered. 12. Friday the 12th we went to work ; but about noon it began to rain, that it forced us to give over work.

This day two of our people put us in great sorrow and care. There was four sent to gather and cut thatch in the morning ; and two of them, John Goodman and Peter Browne, having cut thatch all the forenoon, went to a further place, and willed the other two to bind up that which was cut, and to follow them. So they did, being about a mile and a "half from our plantation. But when the two came after, they could not find them, nor hear any thing of them at all, though they hallooed and shouted as loud as they could. So they returned to the company, and told them of it. Whereupon Master Carver, and three or four more

below zero. Had it been so when cattle in 1627, with Martha and

the Pilgrims landed, they must Mary Brown, the former of whom

have perished from cold. See was probably his wife, and the latMass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 196, and ter his daughter. Thacher's Plymouth, p. 27. In the original, Leaver ; un-

' Hip-bone. questionably a typographical error.

Goodman and Brown both had There is no such name as Leaver

lots assigned them in Leyden-street, among the signers of the Compact,

in Nothing more is known and it is not at all probable that

of Goodman, except that he died one of the ship's crew would be

before the end of March. Brown distinguished by the title of Mr.

had also an acre assigned him in or be sent on such an errand,

the division of the lands in 1623, This error escaped the acute obserand a share in the division of the vation of Prince, who copies the

went to seek them ; but could hear nothino; of them. chap.

So they returning, sent more ; but that night they ■ — - could hear nothing at all of them. The next day 121. they armed ten or twelve men out, verily thinking 12. the Indians had surprised them. They went seeking seven or eight miles ; but could neither see nor hear any thing at all. So they returned, with much discomfort to us all.

These two that were missed at dinner time, took their meat in their hands, and would go walk and refresh then'lselves. So going a little off, they find a lake of water, and having a great mastiff bitch with them and a spaniel, by the water side they found a great deer. The dogs chased him ; and they followed so far as they lost themselves, and they could not find the way back. They wandered all that afternoon, being wet; and at night it did freeze and snow. They were slenderly apparelled, and had no weapons but each one his sickle, nor any victuals. They ranged up and down and could find none of the salvages' habitations. When it drew to night, they were much perpassage, p. 183. Edward Wins- ' Probably Murdock's Pond,

low, at tbe end of his Preface to the about half a mile from the village,

Reader in his Good News from in the rear of Burial hill. It is a

New England, says, "some faults deep, round pond. A brook, called

have escaped because I could not Little Brook, issues from it, and

attend on the press." This procrossing the west road, unites with

Relation. It was sent over to xiii. 181, and Thacher's Plymouth,

George Morton, who not being in p. o20.

London, where it was printed, did The fallow deer still run in the

not correct the printed sheets. He extensive woods of Plymouth, a

probably put it into the hands of district of country nearly twenty

one of the merchant adventurers, miles square. In Jan. 1831, 160

who got it printed. It is not surwere killed and 40 taken alive. In

prising that some mistakes should Feb. 1839, a deer chased by the

have been made by the printer in dogs, came into the streets of the

de'ciphering the MS. See note on village, and was caught in the front

page 113. This will account for yard of the Hon. N. M. Davis's

Morton's name, as well as Carver's, house. See Thacher's Plymouth,

, plexed ; for they could find neither harbour nor meat ; •- but, in frost and snow, were forced to make the earth their bed and tiie element their covering. And another thing did very much terrify them ; they heard, as they thought, two lions roaring exceedingly for a long time together, and a third that they thought was very near them. So not knowing what to do, they resolved to climb up into a tree, as their safest refuge, though that would prove an intolerable cold lodging. So they stood at the tree's root, that when the lions came, they might take their opportunity of climbing up. The bitch they were fain to hold by the neck, for she would have been gone to the lion. But it pleased God so to dispose, that the wild beasts came not. So they walked up and down under the tree all night. It was an extreme cold night. So soon as it was light, they 13. travelled again, passing by many lakes' and brooks

• Several of the first settlers of 37 years since, an Indian shot a New England supposed that the young lion, sleeping upon the body lion existed here. Higginson, in of an oak blown up by the roots, his New-England's Prospect, says, with an arrow, not far from Cape " for beasts, there are some bears, Ann, and sold the skin to the Engand they say some lions also; for lish." Lechford, too, in his Plain they have been seen at Cape Ann." Dealing, p. 47, and Johnson, in his Wood, in his New-England's ProsWonderworking Providence, b. ii. pect, ch. 6, says, " concerning lions ch. 21, mention the lion among the I will not say that I ever saw any beasts of New England. Vandermyself; but some affirm that they donck also enumerates lions among have seen a lion at Cape Ann. the wild animals of New NetherSome likewise being lost in the lands. But Morton, in his New woods, have heard such terrible English Canaan, ch. 5, remarks, roarings, as have made them much "lions there are none in New Engaghast: which must be either deland ; it is contrary to the nature of vils or lions ; there being no other the beast to frequent places accuscreatures which use to roar, saving tomed to snow." Dr. Freeman obbears, which have not such a terriserves, that Goodman and Brown, ble kind of roaring." Josselyn, in coming from England, where both his New-England's Rarities, p. 21, the lion and the wolf are unknown, says, " the jackal is a creature that might easily, under the impression hunts the lion's prey, a shrewd sign of fear, mistake the howling of the that there are lions upon the contione for the roaring of the other. nent. There are those that are Plymouth abounds with ponds, yet living in the country that do that would be called lakes in Engconstantly affirm, that about 36 or land. It is supposed that within

and woods, and in one place where the salvages had chap. burnt the space of five miles in length, which is a fine — v- champaign country, and even. In the afternoon, it 21. pleased God from a high hill they discovered the two isles in the bay, and so that night got to the plantation, being ready to faint with travail and want of victuals, and almost famished with cold. John Goodman was fain to have his shoes cut off his feet, they were so swelled with cold ; and it was a long while after ere he was able to go. Those on the shore were much comforted at their return ; but they on shipboard were grieved at deeming them lost.

But the next day, being the 14th of January, in the Jan. morning about six of the clock, the wind being very great, they on shipboard spied their great new rendezvous on fire ; which was to them a new discomfort, fearing, because of the supposed loss of the men, that the salvages had fired them. Neither could they presently go to them, for want of water. But after three quarters of an hour they went, as they had purposed the day before to keep the Sabbath on shore, because now there was the greater number of people. At their landing they heard good tidings of the return of the two men, and that the house was fired occasionally by a spark that flew into the thatch, which instantly burnt it all up ; but the roof stood, and little hurt. The most loss was Master Carver's and William Bradford's,' who

the bounds of the town there are bath which they kept on shore.

Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 180, and for his assertion, that " the 31st of

Thacher's Plymouth, p. 320. Dec. seems to be the first day that

' A plain commences two miles any keep the sabbath in the place

fFom the town, and extends six of their building."

miles southwest. F. '' The omission of Mr. before

* See note on page 163. Bradford's name in this place, and

This seems to be the first sabon pages 126, 136, and elsewhere,

178 A SHED BUILT FOR THE PROVISIONS.

CHAF. then lay sick in bed, and if they had not risen with

— ' good speed, had been blown up with powder ; but,

16 21. through God's mercy, they had no harm. The house

was as full of beds as they could lie one by another,

and their muskets charged ; but, blessed be God, there

Jan. Monday, the 15th day, it rained much all day, that

they on shipboard could not go on shore, nor they on

shore do any labor, but were all wet.

Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were very fair, sunshiny days, as if it had been in April ; and our people, so many as were in health, wrought cheerfully. 19. The 19ih day we resolved to make a shed to put our common provision in, of which some were already set on shore ; but at noon it rained, that we could not work. This day, in the evening, John Goodman went abroad to use his lame feet, that were pitifully ill with the cold he had got, having a little spaniel with him. A little way from the plantation two great wolves ran after the dog ; the dog ran to him and betwixt his legs for succour. He had nothing in his hand, but took up a stick and threw at one of them and hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came again. He got a pale-board in his hand; and they sat both on their tails grinning at him a good while ; and went their way and left him.

20Saturday, 20th, we made up our shed for our common goods.

21Sunday, the 21st, we kept our meeting on land.

22Monday, the 22d, was a fair day. We wrought on

whilst il is prefixed to the names this Relation was written by Bradof persons unquestionably his infeford. If any other person had been

riors, as Mr. Christopher Blartin, the author, he would have prefixed

p. 171, is a strong presumption that Mr. to Bradford's name.

our houses ; and in the afternoon carried up our hogschap.

heads of meal to our common storehouse. The rest of — v-

the week we followed our business likewise. Jan. Monday, the 29th, in the mornuig, cold, frost, and 29.

sleet ; but after reasonable fair. Both the long-boat

and the shallop brought our common goods on shore.'

Tuesday and Wednesday, 30th and 31st of January, 30,31. cold, frosty weather and sleet, that we could not work. In the morning, the master and others saw two savages, that had been on the island near our ship. What they came for we could not tell. They were going so far back again before they were descried, that we could not speak with them.

Sunday, the 4th of February, was very wet and Feb. rainy, with the greatest gusts of wind that ever we had since we came forth ; that though we rid in a very good harbour, yet we were in danger, because our ship was light, the goods taken out, and she unballasted ; and it caused much daubing of our houses to fall down.

Friday, the 9th, still the cold weather pontinued, 9that we could do little work. That afternoon, our little house for our sick people was set on lire by a spark that kindled in the roof ; but no great harm was done. That evening, the master going ashore, killed five geese, which he friendly distributed among the sick people. He found also a good deer killed. The savages had cut off the horns, and a wolf was eating of him. How he came there we could not conceive.

" Jan. 29, dies Rose, the wife Their houses were probably of Captain Standish. N. B. This ]op:-huts, thatched, and the interri>onth eight of our number die." slices filled with clay. Bradford, in Prince, p. 184.

* Probably a typographical error for sone.

]80 TWO INDIANS MAKE THEIR APPEARANCE.

Friday, the I6tli, was a fair day; but the northerly wind continued, which continued the frost. This day, 16 21. after noon, one of our people being a fowling, and hav16. ing taken a stand by a creek side in the reeds, about a mile and a half from our plantation, there came by him twelve Indians, marching towards our plantation, and in the woods he heard the noise of many more. He lay close till they were passed, and then with what speed he could he went home and gave the alarm. So the people abroad in the woods returned and armed themselves, but saw none of them ; only, toward the evening, they made a great fire about the place where they were first discovered. Captain Miles Standish and Francis Cooke being at work in the woods, coming home left their tools behind them ; but before they returned, their tools were taken away by the savages. Tliis coming of the savages gave us occasion to keep more strict watch, and to make our pieces and furniture ready, which by the moisture and rain were out of temper.

17. Saturday, the 17th day, in the morning, we called a meeting for the establishing of military orders among ourselves ; and we chose Miles Standish our captain, and gave him authority of command in affairs. And as we were in consultation hereabouts, two savages presented themselves upon the top of a hi 11, over against our plantation, about a quarter of a mile and less, and made signs unto us to come unto them ; we likewise made signs unto them to come to us. Whereupon we armed ourselves and stood ready, and sent

1 Watson's Hill, called by the levelled in 1814, Indian relics of

first settlers Strawberry Hill. The various kinds were found. See

Indian name Avas Cantaiigcanteest. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 177. When the summit of the hill was

THE ARTILLERY PLANTED ON THE HILL. 181

two over the brook' towards them, to wit, Captain chap.

Standish and Steven Hopkins, who went towards

them. Only one of them had a musket, which they laid down on the ground in their sight, in sign of peace, and to parley with them. But the savages would not tarry their coming. A noise of a great many more was heard behind the hill ; but no more came in sight. This caused us to plant our great ordnances in places most convenient.

Wednesday, the 21st of February, the master came Feb. on shore, with many of his sailors, and brought with him one of the great pieces, called a minion,* and helped us to draw it up the hill, with another piece that lay on shore, and mounted them, and a sailer, and two bases. He brought with him a very fat goose to eat with us, and we had a fat crane and a mallard, and a dried neat's tongue ; and so we were kindly and friendly together.

Saturday, the 3d of March, the wind was south, the Mar. morning misty, but tovtards noon warm and fair weather. The birds sang in the woods most pleasantly. At one of the clock it thundered, which was

' The Town Brook. See note' Morton, in his Memorial, p. 50, as

on page 172. " a man pious and well deserving,

* See note ' on page 126. endowed also with a considerable

* " February 21. Die Mr. Wiloutward estate ; and had it been liam White, Mr. William Mullins, the will of God that he had sur- "with two more; and the 25th dies vived, might have proved a useful Mary, the wife of Mr. Isaac Allerton. instrument in his place."

N. B. This month seventeen of our * The minion was a piece of

number die." Bradford, in Prince, ordnance, the bore of which was

p. 184. Mullins and White were 3 1-4 inches diameter. The saker

the 10th and 11th signers of the (for which sailer is probably a

Compact ; each of them brought misprint,) was a larger gun, the

his wife over, and each had three diameter of which at the bore

others, probably children, in his was from 3 1-2 to 4 inches; and

fjimily. White was the father of the base was the smallest sort of

the first child born in New Engartillery, the diameter of whose

land, as mentioned on page 148. bore was only 1 1-4 inch. See

William Mullins is described by Crabb's Univ. Tech. Diet.

, the first we heard in that country. It was strong and --' great claps, but short ; but after an hour it rained very sadly till midnight.

Mar. Wednesday, the 7th of March, the wind was full east, cold, but fair. That day Master Carver, with five others, went to the great ponds, which seem to be excellent fishing places. All the way they went they found it exceedingly beaten, and haunted with deer ; but they saw none. Amongst other fowl they saw one, a milk-white fowl, with a very black head. This day some garden seeds were sown. 16. Friday, the 16th, a fair warm day towards. This morning we determined to conclude of the military orders, which we had begun to consider of before, but were interrupted by the savages, as we mentioned formerly. And whilst we were busied hereabout, we were interrupted again ; for there presented himself a savage, which caused an alarm. He very boldly came all alone, and along the houses, straight to the rendezvous ; where we intercepted him, not suffering him to go in," as undoubtedly he would out of his boldness. He saluted us in English, and bade us '•'■Welcome f'' for he had learned some broken English among the Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon,"* and knew by name the most of the captains, commanders, and masters, that usually come. He was a man free in

' Billington Sea. •* Monhegan, an island on the Perhaps the word noon was coast of Maine, between the Kenhere accidentally omitted. nebec and the Penobscot, and about They were unwilling he should 12 miles distant from the shore. It see how few and weak they were, was an early and favorite place of They had already lost nearly half resort for the English fishermen. of their number, and had the InSee Williamson's Maiue, i. 61. dians attacked them in their sickly * Seeing the Mayflower in the and enfeebled state, they would harbour, he no doubt took her for a have fallen an easy prey. fishing-vessel. This explains his

speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of a chap.

seemly carriage. We questioned him of many things ; — —

he was the first savaee we could meet withal. He i-

said he was not of these parts, but of Morattiggon, 16. and one of the sagamores or lords thereof; and had been eight months in these parts, it lying hence a day's sail with a great wind, and five days by land. He discoursed of the whole country, and of every province, and of their sagamores, and their number of men and strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a horseman's coat about him ; for he was stark naked, only a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long or little more. He had a bow and two arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded. He was a tall, straight man, the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before, none on his face at all. He asked some beer, but we gave him strong water, and biscuit, and butter, and cheese, and pudding, and a piece of mallard ; all which he liked well, and had been acquainted with such amongst the English. He told us the place where we now live is called Patuxet, and that about four years ago all the inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there is

boldness in coming directly to more intercourse with the natives,

them. says, " As for the language, it is

' Moratiggon. I know not what very copious, large, and difficult, part of the country this was meant As yet we cannot attain to any to designate. Perhaps it is an great measure thereof, but can unerror for Monhiggon. Samoset derstand tbem, and explain ourevidently was desirous of magniselves to their understanding by fying his own importance, in givthe help of those that daily coning the Pilgrims to understand verse with us." that he was a sagamore. All the early writers on New

It is difficult to conceive how England agree, that for three or

they could converse together so as four years previous to the arrival

to/be mutually understood. Edof the Pilgrims, a deadly pestilence

ward A¥inslow, in his Good News had raged all along the seaboard,

from New England, written two from the Penobscot to Narraganset

years afterwards, when they had had Bay. The two tribes dwelling at

, neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed

we have found none ; so as there is none to hinder our

5 21. possession, or to lay claim unto it. All the afternoon

16. we spent in communication with him. We would

gladly have been rid of him at night, but he was not

willing to go this night. Then we thought to carry

these extremes, as well as the Nauset Indians, on Cape Cod, escaped, whilst the intermediate inhabitants were almost entirely swept off. Some tribes were nearly extinct ; the Massachusetts, in particular, are said to have been reduced from 30,000 to 300 fighting men. Capt. Dermer, who was here in 1619, says, " I passed along the coast where I found some ancient plantations, not long since populous, now utterly void. In other places a remnant remains, but not free of sickness ; their disease the plague, for we might perceive the sores of some that had escaped, who described the spots of such as usually die." Higginson, in his New England's Plantation, printed in 1629, says, " their subjects above twelve years since, were swept away by a great and grievous plague that was amongst them, so that there are very few left to inhabit the country." Morton, in his New English Canaan, b. i. ch. 3, says, " some few years before the English came to inhabit at New Plymouth, the hand of God fell heavily upon the natives, with such a mortal stroke, that they died on heaps. In a place where many inhabited, there hath been but one left alive to tell what became of the rest ; and the bones and skulls upon the several places of their habitations made such a spectacle after my coming into these parts, that as I travelled in that forest, near the Massachusetts, it seemed to me a new-found Golgotha. This mortality was not ended when the Brownists of New Plymouth were settled at Patuxet, and by all likelihood the sickness

that these Indians died of was the plague, as by conference with them since my arrival and habitation in these parts I have learned." Johnson, in his Wonderworking Providence, b. i. ch. 8, says, " about the year 1618, a little before the removal of that church of Christ from Holland to Plymouth, in New England, as the ancient Indians report, there befell a great mortality among them, chiefly desolating those places where the English afterwards planted ; their disease being a sore consumption, sweeping away whole families, but chiefly young men and children, the very seeds of increase." " What this disease was," says Gookin, who wrote in 1674, " that so generally and mortally swept away the Indians, I cannot well learn. Doubtless it was some pestilential disease. I have discoursed with some old Indians, that were then youths, who say that the bodies all over were exceeding yellow, describing it by a yellow garment they showed me, both before they died, and afterwards." " There are some old planters," says Increase Mather, writing in 1677, " surviving to this day, who helped to bury the dead Indians, even whole families of them all dead at once." See Purchas, iv. 1778 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 122, 148, xii. 66 ; Hutchinson, i. 34. In the Great Patent of New England, granted Nov. 3, 1620, the desolating effects of this pestilence are assigned by King James as a reason for granting it. " We have been further given certainly to know, that within these late years there hath, by God's visitation,

reigned a wonderful plague amongst the savages there heretofore inhabiting, in a manner to the utter destruction, devastation, and depopulation of that whole territory, so as there is not left, for many leagues together, in a manner, any that do claim or challenge any kind of interest therein ; whereby we, in our judgment, are persuaded and satisfied that the appointed time is come in which Almighty God, in his great goodness and bounty towards us and our people, hath thought fit and determined, that these large and goodly territories, deserted as it were by their natural inhabitants, should be possessed and enjoyed by such of our subjects and people as shall by his mercy and favor, and by his powerful arm, be directed and conducted thither." Plymouth Colony Laws,

Hutchinson, in his Hist, of Mass. i. 35, remarks, " Our ancestors supposed an immediate interposition of Providence in the great mortality among the Indians, to make room for the settlement of the English. I am not inclined to credulity, but should not we go into the contrary extreme if we were to take no notice of the extinction of this people in all parts of the continent ? In some the English have made use of means the most likely to have prevented it ; but all to no purpose. Notwithstanding their frequent ruptures with the English, very few comparatively have perished by wars. They waste, they moulder away, and, as Charlevoix says of the Indians of Canada, they disappear."

The English, not understanding Samoset perfectly, supposed that by Massasoit he meant an Indian tribe ; but this was the name of the great sagamore, as appears afterwards. F.

See the Life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges in Belknap's Am. Biog. i. 346 — 393, and his Brief Narration, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 45 — 93. In this work, p. 63, he mentions an attack that was made in July, 1620, by the Indians of Martha's Vineyard on Capt. Dernier and his cora17.

him on shipboard, wherewith he was well content, chap. and went into the shallop ; but the wind was high and - — the water scant, that it could not return back. We 1621, lodged him that night at Steven Hopkins's house, and watched him.

The next day he went away back to the Masasoits, Mar. from whence he said he came, who are our next bordering neighbours. They are sixty strong, as he saith. The Nausites are as near southeast of them, and are a hundred strong ; and those were they of whom our people were encountered, as we before related. They are much incensed and provoked against the English ; and about eight months ago slew three Englishmen, and two more hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon. They were Sir Ferdinando Gorge's men, as this sav186 HUNT, THE KIDNAPPER.

, age told us ; as he did likewise of the hiiggery, that — v- is, fight, that our discoverers had with the Nausites, and of our tools that were taken out of the woods, which we willed him should be brought again ; otherwise we would right ourselves. These people are ill affected towards the English by reason of one Hunt,' a master of a ship, who deceived the people and got them, under color of trucking with them, twenty out of this very place where we inhabit, and seven men from the Nausites, and carried them away, and sold them for slaves, like a wretched man (for twenty pound a man,) that cares not what mischief he doth for his profit. Mar. Saturday, in the morning, we dismissed the salvage, ■ and gave him a knife, a bracelet, and a ring. He promised within a night or two to come again and to bring with him some of the Massasoyts, our neighbours, with such beavers' skins as they had to truck with us. 18. Saturday and Sunday reasonable fair days. On this day came again the savage, and brought with him five other tall, proper men. They had every man a deer's

pany, whom he had sent over to a difference in the accounts of the

New England. Dernier lost all number of the natives which he

his men but one, and received fourthus seized and carried off". The

teen wounds in this encounter; President and Council of New

which took place just eight months England, in their Brief Relation of

before ; and there can hardly be a its Discovery and Plantation, state

doubt that these were the "Sir the number as 24; Gorges menFerdinando Gorge's men," mentions 30 ; whilst Capt. John Smith,

tioned in the text. Dermer had says 27, agreeing with the number

157, 186. they were humanely rescued and

* The name of this Captain Hunt set at liberty by the monks of Malhas come down to us loaded with nga. Several of them got over to

deserved infamy, as the first kidEngland, and proved of essential

coast of North America. There is Coll. xix. 6, xxvi. 58, 61, 132.

skin on him, and the principal of them had a wild cat's chap. skin, or such Hke, on the one arm. They had most of -— them long hosen up to their groins, close made, and 162 1. above their groins to their waist another leather ; they is. were altogether like the Irish trousers. They are of complexion like our English gipseys ; no hair or very little on their faces ; on their heads long hair to their shoulders, only cut before ; some trussed up before with a feather, broad-wise, like a fan ; another a fox tail, hanging out. These left (according to our charge given him before) their bows and arrows a quarter of a mile from our town. We gave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally of our English victuals. They made semblance unto us of friendship and amity. They sang and danced after their manner, like antics. They brought with them in a thing like a bow-case, (which the principal of them had about his waist,) a little of their corn pounded to powder, which, put to a little water, they eat.

' Morton, in his New English Canaan, b. i. ch. G, says, "of such deer's skins as they dress bare, they make stockings, that come within their shoes, like a stirrup stocking, and is fastened above at their belt, which is about their middle. When they have their apparel on, they look like Irish, in their trousers, the stockings join so to their breeches." Wood, in his New England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 5, says, " in the winter time the more aged of them wear leather drawers, in form like Irish trousers, fastened under their girdles with buttons."

" The Indians make a certain sort of meal of parched maize. This meal they call noJcake. It is so sweet, toothsome, and hearty, that an Indian will travel many

days with no other food but this meal, which he eateth as he needs, and after it drinketh water. And for this end, when they travel a journey, or go a hunting, they carry this nokake in a basket or bag, for their use." Gookin, in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 150. — "AWc/i?c/i, parched meal, which is a ready, very wholesome food, which they eat with a little water, hot or cold. I have travelled with near two hundred of them at once, near a hundred miles through the woods, every man carrying a little basket of this at his back, and sometimes in a hollow leather girdle about his middle, sufficient for a man three or four days. With, this ready provision, and their bows and arrows, are they ready for war, and travel at an hour's warning. With a spoonful of this meal, and a spoonTHE INDIANS' USE OF TOBACCO.

He had a little tobacco in a bae; ; but none of them -v- drank but when he liked. Some of them had their faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four

18. or five fingers broad; others after other fashions, as they liked. They brought three or four skins ; but we

ful of water from the brook, have I made many a good dinner and supper." Roger Williams's Key, in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 208. — "If their imperious occasions cause them to travel, the best of their victuals for their journey is nocahc, (as they call it,) which is nothing but Indian corn parched in the hot ashes. The ashes being sifted from it, it is afterwards beat to powder, and put into a long leathern bag, trussed at their backs like a knapsack, out of which they take thrice three spoonfuls a day, dividing it into three meals. If it be in winter, and snow be on the ground, they can eat when they please, stopping snow after their dusty victuals. In summer they must stay till they meet with a spring or brook, when they may have water to prevent the imminent danger of choking. With this strange viaticum, they will travel four or five days together, with loads fitter for elephants than men." Wood's New England's Prospect, part ii. ch. 6.

' That is, smoked. This was formerly a common expression. Thus Brereton, in his Journal of Gosnold's Voyage, says, " they gave us also of their tobacco, which they drink green, but dried into powder, very strong and pleasant." Rosier, in his account of Weymouth's Voyage to New England, in 1605, printed in Purchas's Pilgrims, iv. 1662, says, " We drank of their excellent tobacco, as much as we would, with them ; but we saw not any great quantity to truck for, and it seemed they had not much left of old, for they spend a great quantity yearly by their continual drinking."

Johnson, in his Wonderworking Providence, b. i. ch. 41, mentions a lusty man (doubtless Underbill) who held forth to his pastor before the whole congregation, that the spirit of revelation came to him as he was drinking a pipe of tobacco." In the Records of Plymouth Colony, under the year 1646, is the following entry. " Anthony Thacher and George Pole were chosen a committee to draw up an order concerning disorderly drinking tobacco." This use of language was probably descriptive of the manner in which the weed was formerly inhaled, and which still prevails in the East. Lane, in his account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, i. 187, says, " In smoking, the people of Egypt, and of other countries of the East, draw in their breath freely, so that much of the smoke descends into the lungs; and the terms which they use to express ' smoking tobacco ' signify drinking smoke,' or ' drinking tobacco.' "

Winslow, in his Good News from New England, says, " the men take much tobacco." Roger Williams, in his Key, chs. ii. and XX. says, "they generally all take tobacco, and it is the only plant which men labor in, the women managing all the rest. They say they take tobacco for two causes ; first, against the rheum, which causeth the toothache, which they are impatient of; secondly, to revive and refresh them, they drinking nothing but water. Their tobacco bag hangs at their neck, or sticks at their girdle, and is to them instead of an English pocket."

INTERCOURSE WITH THE NATIVES. 189

would not truck with them at all that day/ but wished chap. them to bring more, and we would truck for all ; which -— v they promised within a night or two, and would leave • these behind them, though we were not willing they 18. should ; and they brought us all our tools again, which were taken in the woods, in our men's absence. So, because of the day, we dismissed them so soon as we could. But Samoset, our first acquaintance, either was sick or feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday morning. Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not according to their words ; and we gave him a hat, a pair of stockings and shoes, a shirt, and a piece of cloth to tie about his waist.

The Sabbath day, when we sent them from us, we gave every one of them some trifles, especially the principal of them. We carried them, along with our arms, to the place where they left their bows and arrows ; whereat they were amazed, and two of them began to slink awav, but that the other called them. When they took their arrows we bade them farewell, and they were glad ; and so, with many thanks given us, they departed, with promise they would come again.

Monday and Tuesday proved fair days. We digged 19, 20. our grounds and sowed our garden seeds.

Wednesday a fine warm day. We sent away Sa21. moset.

That day we had again a meeting to conclude of laws and orders for ourselves, and to confirm those military orders that were formerly propounded, and twice broken off by the savages' coming. But so we ■uere again the third time ; for after we had been an

, hour together, on the top of the hill ' over against us - two or three savages presented themselves, that made 1 6 2 1. seil3]ance of daring us, as we thought. So Captain Standish with another, with their muskets, went over to them, with two of the master's mates that follows them without arms, having two muskets with them. They whetted and rubbed their arrows and strings, and made show of defiance ; but when our men drew near them, they ran away. Thus were we again interrupted by them. This day, with much ado, we got our carpenter, that had been long sick of the scurvy, to fit our shallop to fetch all from aboard.

Thursday, the 22d of March, was a very fair, warm day. About noon we met again about our public business. But we had scarce been an hour together, but Samoset came again, and Squanto, the only native

By anns must be here meant side arms, swords, &c., as it is slated they had muskets.

* Also called Squantum, or Tisquantum. There is some discrepancy in the early accounts of Squanto's captivity. Gorges, in his Brief Narration, ch. 2, says that " there happened to come into the harbour of Plymouth, where I then commanded, one Captain Weymouth, who happened into a river on the coast of America, called Pemmaquid, (the Penobscot,) from whence he brought five of the natives, three of whose names were Manida, Sketwarroes, and Tasquantum, whom I seized upon. They were all of one nation, but of several parts and several families." This was in 1605. But the Governor and Council for New England, in their Relation, printed in 1622, say, " it pleased God to send into our hands Tasquantum, one of

those savages that formerly had been betrayed by this unworthy Hunt before named. But this savage being at that time in Newfoundland, Master Dermer, who was there also, found the means to give us intelligence of him, and his opinion of the good use that might be made of his employment." Dermer took Tisquantum with him to England, and on his return to New England in the spring of 1619, brought him back to his native country. In a letter dated Dec. 27, of that year he says, " when I arrived at my savage's native country, finding all dead, I travelled almost a day's journey westward to a place called Nummastaquyt, (Namasket,) where finding inhabitants, I despatched a messenger a day's journey further west to Poconaokit, which bordereth on the sea ; whence came to see me two kings, attended with a guard of fifty armed men, who being well satisfied with that my savage and I discoursed unto them, being deMASSASOIT.

of Patuxet, where we now inhabit, who was one of chap. the twenty captives that by Hunt were carried away, -'— and had been in England, and dwelt in Cornhill with ° ' Mar.

Master John Slanie, a merchant, and could speak a 22. little English, with three others ; and they brought with them some few skins to truck, and some red herrings, newly taken and dried, but not salted ; and signified unto us, that their great sagamore, Masasoyt, was hard by, with Quadequina, his brother, and all their men. They could not well express in English what they would ; but after an hour the king came to the top of a hill over against us, and had in his train sixty men, that we could well behold them, and they us. We were not willing to send our governor to them, and they were unwilling to come to us. So

sirous of novelty, gave me content in whatsoever I demanded." These two kings were undoubtedly Massasoit and Quadequina. On going to Virginia, in June, Dermer left 'Tisquantum at Sawahquatooke, now Saco, whence he probably returned to Patuxet and Namasket.

The beautiful promontory in Dorchester, near Thomson's island, will perpetuate the name of this early friend of the Pilgrims. They probably called it after him in their first expedition to the Massachusetts in 1621, when he accompanied them as interpreter. This is probably the same place which is called S/juanto's Chapel, by Morton, in his New English Canaan, b. ii. chs. 6 and 8. " ' The worshipful John Slany, of

London, merchant," was one of the undertakers of the Newfoundland plantation, and treasurer of the Company. He probably sent Squanto to Newfoundland. See Whithourne's Newfoundland, p. V. and Purchas, iv. 1876, 1888.

2 Prince says, in his Annals, p. 187, " the printed accounts generally spell him Massasoit ; Gov. Bradford writes him Massasoyt and Massasoyet; but I find the ancient people, from their fathers in Plymouth Colony, pronounce his name Ma-sas-so-it." It will be seen hereafter that Winslow writes it "Massassowat. The sachem, in conformity with a prevailing custom among the Indians, afterwards changed his name, and took that of Owsamequin or Woosamequen. See his Life in B. B. Thacher's Indian Biography, i. 117 — 140, and in S. G. Drake's Book of the Indians, b. ii. 17 — 29.

Watson's hill, mentioned twice before on pages 180 and 190.

The word were was accidentally omitted in the original.

192 WINSLOW'S PARLEY WITH MASSASOIT.

Squanto went again unto him, who brought word — v- that we should send one to parley with him, which we (Jidj wliich was Edward Winsloe, to know his mind, 22. and to signify the mind and will of our governor, which was to have trading and peace with him. We sent to the king a pair of knives, and a copper chain with a jewel at it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a knife, and a jewel to hang in his ear, and withal a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter ; which were all willingly accepted.

Our messenger made a speech unto him, that King James saluted him with words of love and peace, and did accept of him as his friend and ally ; and that our governor desired to see him and to truck with him, and to confirm a peace with him, as his next neighbour. He liked well of the speech, and heard it attentively, thouo;h the interpreters did not well express it. After he had eaten and drunk himself, and given the rest to his company, he looked upon our messenger's sword and armor, which he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it ; but, on the other side, our messenger showed his unwillingness to part with it. In the end, he left him in the custody of Quadequina, his brother, and came over the brook, and some twenty men following him, leaving all their bows and arrows behind them. We kept six or seven as hostages for our messenger. Captain Standish and Master Williamson met the king at the brook, with half a dozen musketeers. They saluted him, and he them ; so one

* There was a Thomas Willikely that any one of the ship's

Hams, but no person of the name of company would be associated with

Williamson, among the signers of Standish in this duty. Perhaps it

the Compact. It is probably an should read Master Allerton. error of the press. It is very unTREATY OF PEACE WITH MASSASOIT. 193

going over, the one on the one side, and the other on chap. the other, conducted him to a house then in buikling, — v- where we placed a green rug and three or four cush- • ions. Then instantly came our governor, with drum 22. and trumpet after him, and some few musketeers. After salutations, our governor kissing his hand, the king kissed him ; and so they sat down. The governor called for some strong water, and drunk to him ; and he drunk a great draught, that made him sweat all the while after. He called for a little fresh meat, which the king did eat willingly, and did give his followers. Then they treated of peace, which was :

1. That neither he nor any of his should injure or do hurt to any of our people.

2. And if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he should send the offender, that we might punish him.

3. That if any of our tools were taken away, when our people were at work, he should cause them to be restored ; and if ours did any harm to any of his, we would do the like to them.

4. If any did unjustly war against him, we would aid him ; if any did war against us, he should aid us.

5. He should send to his neighbour confederates to certify them of this, that they might not wrong us, but might be likewise comprised in the conditions of peace.

6. That when their men came to us, they should leave their bows and arrows behind them, as we should do our pieces when we came to them.

Lastly, that doing thus, King James would esteem of him as his friend and ally.'

' " This treaty," says Belknap, estly intended on both sides, was *' the work of one day, being honkept with fidelity as long as Mas194 QUADEQUINA.

All which the kins seemed to like well, and it was

applauded of his followers. All the while he sat by

the governor, he trembled for fear. In his person he 22. is a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech ; in his attire little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers, only in a great chain of white bone beads about his neck ; and at it, behind his neck, hangs a little bag of tobacco, which he drank, and gave us to drink. His face was painted with a sad red, like murrey, and oiled both head and face, that he looked greasily. All his followers likewise were in their faces, in part or in whole, painted, some black, some red, some yellow, and some white, some with crosses, and other antic works ; some had skins on them, and some naked ; all strong, tall men in appearance.

So after all was done, the governor conducted him to the brook, and there they embraced each other, and he departed ; we diligently keeping our hostages. We expected our messenger's coming ; but anon word was brought us that Quadcquina was coming, and our messenger was stayed till his return ; who presently came, and a troop with him. So likewise we entertained him, and conveyed him to the place prepared. He was very fearful of our pieces, and made signs of dislike, that they should be carried away ; w hereupon

sasoit lived, but was afterwards, in It was accordingly ratified and con1675, broken by Philip, his succesfirmed by the government. See

sor." Ara. Biog. ii. 214. In Sept. Morton's Memorial, p. 210.

1639, Massasoit and his eldest son, ' See note ' on page 188.

Mooanam, afterwards called Warn- * This description corresponds to

suita, and in 1662 by the English the appearance of Black Hawk and

named Alexander, came into the Keokuck, and the braves of the

Court at Plymouth and desired that Sacs and Foxes, on their visit to

this ancient league and confederacy Boston in 1837. Plight stand and remain inviolable.

commandment was given they should be laid away. chap. He was a very proper, tall young man, of a very — — - modest and seemly countenance, and he did kindly like of our entertainment. So we conveyed him likewise, as we did the king ; but divers of their people stayed still. When he was returned, then they dismissed our messenger. Two of his people would have stayed all night ; but we would not suffer it. One thing I forgot ; the king had in his bosom, hanging in a string, a great long knife. He marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as well as they could. Samoset and Squanto, they stayed all night with us ; and the king and all his men lay all night in the woods, not above half an English mile from us, and all their wives and women with them. They said that within eight or nine days they would come and set corn on the other side of the brook, and dwell there all summer ; which is hard by us. That night we kept good watch ; but there was no appearance of danger.

The next morning, divers of their people came over Mar. to us, hoping to get some victuals, as we imagined. ' Some of them told us the king would have some of us come see him. Captain Standish and Isaac Alderton

' Generally spelt Allerton. He New England's Memorial, p. 394, was the fifth signer of the Compact " Like the promontory of Palinurus, on board the Mayflower. Hutchit is respectfully regarded as the inson, in his History of Massachumemorial of an ancient worthy, setts, ii. 461, says, " Isaac Allerton and the appellation, perpetuating or Alderton, the first assistant, was the memory of a man of the greatemployed several times to negotiest commercial enterprise in those ate matters in England relative to early times, is most fitly applied. / their trade, and at length left them ' Gaudet cognomine terra.' " — The and settled there. His male posaccurate Hutchinson is for once in terity settled in Maryland. If they an error. Allerton removed to be extinct. Point Alderton, at the New Haven in Connecticut, pre- trance of Boston harbour, which vious to the last of March, 1647, and took his name, will probably predied there in 1659. We are inserve it many ages." Judge Davis debted to the Rev. Leonard Bacon, adds, in his edition of Morton's of New Haven, for the discovery of

, went venturously, who were welcomed of him after

-i their manner. He gave them three or four ground-nuts

16 21. and some tobacco. We cannot yet conceive but that

2 he is willing to have peace with us ; for they have seen

our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods

at work and fowling, whenas they offered them no

harm, as they might easily have done ; and especially

because he hath a potent adversary, the Narowhigansets, that are at war with him, against whom he thinks

we may be some strength to him ; for our pieces are

terrible unto them. This morning they stayed till ten

or eleven of the clock ; and our governor bid them send

the king's kettle, and filled it full of pease, which

pleased them well ; and so they went their way.

Friday was a very fair day. Samoset and Squanto still remained with us. Squanto went at noon to fish for eels. At night he came home with as many as he could well lift in one hand ; which our people were glad of; they were fat and sweet. He trod them out with his feet, and so caught them with his hands, without any other instrument.

This day we proceeded on with our common business, from which we had been so often hindered by the salvages' coming ; and concluded both of military orders and of some laws and orders as we thought

this fiict. His conjecture, however, ' Of the mud; probably at Eel

is unfounded that AUerton left no river, so called from the abundance

daughter. It appears from Hutchof eels which are taken there,

inson, ii. 456, compared with MorAbout 150 barrels are annually

ton's Memorial, p. TiSl, that his caught. See Thacher's Plymouth,

daughter Mary, who married Thop. .32i!.

behooveful for our present estate and condition ; and chap. did likewise choose our governor for this year, which — -v- was Master John Carver, a man well approved 162 1. amongst us.

[March 24. Dies Elizabeth, the wife of Mr. EdMar.

ward Winslow. N. B. This month thirteen of our number die. And in three months past, dies half our company ; the greatest part in the depth of winter.

the General Laws of the Inhabitants of the Jurisdiction of New Plymouth." In 16S5, a new digest of them was published. In 1836 these several codes were collected and digested into one volume by William Brigham, Esq. Counsellor at Law, agreeably to a Resolve of the Legislature of Massachusetts. It serves to illustrate the condition of the Colony at different periods, the manners, wants, and sentiments of our forefathers, the difficulties with which they struggled, and the remedies provided for their relief.

Gov. Hutchinson, with unaccountable carelessness, has asserted, ii. 463, that " they never established any distinct code or body of laws ; " grounding his assertion on a passage in Hubbard's Hist, of N. England, which implies no such thing. The quotation, imperfectly given by Hutchinson, is correctly as follows : " The laws they intended to be governed by were the laws of England, the which they were willing to be subject unto, though in a foreign land ; and have since that time continued in that mind for the general, adding only some particular municipal laws of their own, suitable to their constitution, in such cases where the common laws and statutes of England could not well reach, or afford them help in emergent difficulties of the place ; possibly on the same

ground that Pacuvius sometimes advised his neighbours of Capua not to cashier their old magistrates till they could agree upon better to place in their room. So did these choose to abide by the laws of England, till they could be provided of better." Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 242; Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 62.

' "Or rather confirm." Bradford in Prince, p. 1S8. It will be recollected that Carver had been chosen governor on the 1 1th of November, the same day on which the Compact was signed. It was now the 23d of March, and the new year beginning on the 25th, according tothe calendar then in use. Carver was reelected for the ensuing year. The question has sometimes been asked, Why was not Brewster chosen ? The answer is given by Hutchinson, ii. 460. " He was their ruling elder, which seems to have been the bar to his being their governor, civil and ecclesiastical office in the same person being then deemed incompatible."

Here the daily journal breaks off, and an interval of three months occurs before the account of the expedition to Pokanoket, during which nothing is recorded. To fill up this chasm in some measure, I insert the following particulars, which Prince extracts from Gov. Bradford's History, and from his Reirister, in which he records some of the first deaths, marriages, and punishments at Plymouth.

MORTALITY AMONG THE COLONISTS.

, wanting houses and other comforts, being infected — v with the scurvy and other diseases, which their long voyage and unaccommodate condition brought upon them ; so as there die sometimes two or three a day. Of a hundred persons scarce fifty remain ; the living scarce able to bury the dead ; the well not sufficient to tend the sick, there being, in their time of greatest distress, but six or seven, who spare no pains to help them. Two of the seven were Mr. Brewster, their reverend elder, and Mr. Standish, their captain. The like disease fell also among the sailors, so as almost half their company also die before they sail. But the

' The exact bill of mortality, as collected by Prince, is as follows.

In January In February In March

Of these were subscribers to the Compact,

The wives of Bradford, Standish, AUerton, and Winslow,

Also, Edward Thomson, a servant of Mr. White, Jasper Carver, a son of the governor, and Solomon Martin, son of Christopher,

Other women, children and servants, whose names are not known,

Before the arrival of the Fortune in Nov. six more died, including Carver and his wife, making the whole number of deaths 50, and leaving the total number of the survivors 50. Of those not named among the survivors, being young men, women, children, and servants, there were 31 ; amongst whom, as appears from the list of

names in the division of the lands in 1623, were Joseph Rogers, probably a son of Thomas, Mary Chilton, probably a daughter of James, Henry Sainson, and Humility Cooper. See Baylies' Plymouth, i. 70; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 207; Morton's Memorial, p. 375.

Wood, in his New England's Prospect, ch. 2, says, " whereas many died at the beginning of the plantations, it was not because the country was unhealihful, but because their bodies were corrupted with sea-diet, which was naught, the beef and pork being tainted, their butter and cheese corrupted, their fish rotten, and the voyage long by reason of cross winds, so that winter approaching before they could get warm houses, and the searching sharpness of that purer climate creeping in at the crannies of their crazed bodies, caused death and sickness." Dudley, too, in his letter to the Countess of Lincoln, in Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 43, remarks, " touching the sickness and mortality which every first year hath seized upon us and those of Plymouth, (of which mortality it may be said of us almost as of the Egyptians, that there is not a house where there is not one dead, and in some houses many,) the natural

THE MAYFLOWER SAILS FOR ENGLAND.

spring advancing, it pleases God the mortality begins chap. to cease, and the sick and lame recover ; which puts -v new life into the people, though they had borne their sad affliction with as much patience as any could do.

The first offence since our arrival is of John Billlngton, who came on board at London, and is this month convented before the whole company for his contempt of the Captain's lawful command with opprobrious speeches, for which he is adjudged to have his neck and heels tied together ; but upon humbling himself and craving pardon, and it being the first offence, he is forgiven.

April 5. We despatch the ship with Captain Jones, April who this day sails from New Plymouth, and May 6 arrives in England.

While we are busy about our seed, our governor, Mr. Carver, comes out of the field very sick, complains

causes seem to be, the want of warm lodging and good diet, to which Englishmen are habituated at home. Those of Plymouth, who landed in Avinter, died of scurvy, as did our poorer sort, whose housing and bedding kept them not sufficiently warm."

Holmes, in his Annals, i. 168, says, "tradition gives an affecting picture of the infant colony during this critical and distressing period. The dead were buried on the bank, at a little distance from the rock where the fathers landed; and, lest the Indians should take advantage of the weak and wretched state of the English, the graves were levelled, and sown for the purpose of concealment. This information I received at Plymouth from the late Ephraim Spooner, a respectable inhabitant of that town, and deacon of the church, who accompanied me to the spot where those first interments were made. Human bones have been washed out of the bank, within the memory of the present generation. Deacon Spooner, then upwards of 70 years of age, had his information from Mr. Thomas Faunce, who was a ruling elder in the first church ia Plymouth, and was well acquainted with several of the first settlers. Elder Faunce knew the rock on which they first landed ; and hearing that it was covered in the erection of a wharf, was so afiiected, that he wept. His tears perhaps saved it from oblivion. He died Feb.27, 1746, aged 99." See note' on page 161.

It is a circumstance worthy of notice, that notwithstanding the hardships, privations, and mortality among the Pilgrims, not one of them was induced to abandon the enterprise and return home in the Mayflower.

, greatly of his head. Within a few hours his senses — - fail, so as he speaks no more, and in a few days after .2.}- dies, to our great lamentation and heaviness. His

care and pains were so great for the common good, as therewith, it is thought, he oppressed himself and shortened his days ; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complain ; and his wife deceases about five or six weeks after.

' " Before I pass on, I may not omit to take notice of the sad loss the church and this infant commonwealth sustained by the death of Mr. John Carver, who was one of the deacons of the church in Leyden, but now had been and was their first governor. This worthy gentleman was one of singular piety, and rare for humility, which appeared, as otherwise, so by his great condescendency, whenas this miserable people were in great sickness. He shunned not to do very mean services for them, yea, the meanest of them. He bare a share likewise of their labor in his own person, according as their great necessity required. Who being one also of a considerable estate, spent the main part of it in this enterprise, and from first to last approved himself not only as their agent in the first transacting of things, but also all along to the period of his life, to be a pious, faithful, and very beneficial instrument. He deceased in the month of April in the year 1621, and is now reaping the fruit of his labor with the Lord." MS. Records of Plym. Ch. vol. i. p. 27. See also Morton's Memorial, p. 68.

It is supposed that Carver's death was occasioned by a stroke of the sun ; and yet, as Baylies observes, " it is not a little remarkable that such an effect should have been produced in this climate in the month of April." Morton says, " he was buried in the best manner they could, with as much solemnity as they were in a capacity to perform, with the discharge of some volleys of shot of all that bare arms."

Nothing is known of Carver previous to his appointment in 1617 as one of the agents of the Church at Leyden. Nor is any thing known of his immediate descendants. It will be seen by the Compact, p. 121, that there were 8 persons in his family. He lost a son Dec. 6, and his daughter Elizabeth married John Howland. See note ' on page 149. The name of Carver does not appear in the assignment of the lands in 1623, nor in the division of the cattle in 1627; nor does it appear at any subsequent time in ibe annals of the Colony. "Hischildren attained no civil honors ; they rose to no distinction ; but less fortunate than the children of the other governors, they remained in obscurity, and were unnoticed by the people." William, the grandson (or nephew) of the governor died at Marshfield, Oct. 2, 1760, at the age of 102. Not long before his death, this grandson, with his son, his grandson, and great grandson, were all at work together without doors, and the great great grandson was in the house at the same time. Many of the name are still living in various parts of the Old Colony. The town of Carver in Plymouth County will help to perpetuate it. Compare Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 456,

Soon after we choose Mr. William Bradford our chap. governor and Mr. Isaac Allerton his assistant, who are ---- by renewed elections continued together sundry years, j

May 12. The first marriage in this place is of Mr. 12. Edward VVinslow to Mrs. Susanna White, widow of Mr. William White.

June 18. The second offence is the first duel foue;ht June

in New England, upon a challenge at single combat with sword and dagger, between Edward Doty and Edward Leister, servants of Mr. Hopkins. Both being wounded, the one in the hand, the other in the thigh, they are adjudged by the whole company to have their head and feet tied together, and so to lie for twentyfour hours, without meat or drink ; which is begun to be inflicted, but within an hour, because of their great pains, at their own and their master's humble request, uj)on promise of better carriage, they are released by the governor.]

■with Mitchell's Hist, of Bridge- ' Wm. White died Feb. 21, and

water, pp. 129 and 362 ; and see Edward Winslow's first wife,

Baylies' Plymouth, i. 71, and BelMarch 24. knap's Am. Biog. ii. 179 — 216.

A JOURNEY TO PACKANOKICK, THE HABITATION OF THE GREAT KING MASSASOYT; AS ALSO OUR MESSAGE, THE ANSWER AND ENTERTAINMENT WE HAD OF HIM.>

t seemed good to the company, for many consider- -v- ations, to send some amongst them to Massasoyt, the greatest commander amongst the savages bordering upon us ; partly to know where to find them, if occasion served, as also to see their strength, discover the country, prevent abuses in their disorderly coming unto us, make satisfaction for some conceived injuries to be done on our parts, and to continue the league of peace and friendship between them and us. For these and the like ends, it pleased the governor to make choice of Steven Hopkins and Edward Winsloe to go unto him ; and having a fit opportunity, by reason of a savage called Tisquantum, that could speak English, coming

' There can hardly be a doubt The peculiar mode in which certhat the narrative of this expedition tain words are spelt corresponds

was written by Winslow. He and with the manner in which they are

Hopkins were the only persons enspelt in Winslow's Good News

gaged in it, and of course one of from New England. Thus the

them must have written it. That name of their Indian interpreter is

the author was Winslow, and not in both papers invariably called

Hopkins, is rendered highly probaTisquantum, whilst Bradford writes

ble by the circumstance that Hopit Squanto. In both narratives too

kins's name is mentioned first, we read Paomet instead of Pamet.

unto US, with all expedition provided a horseman's chap. coat of red cotton, and laced witli a slight lace, for a -v- present, that both they and their message might be the I62i, more acceptable amongst them.

The message was as follows : That forasmuch as his subjects came often and without fear upon all occasions amongst us, so we were now come unto him ; and in witness of the love and good-will the English bear unto him, the governor hath sent him a coat, desiring that the peace and amity that was between them and us might be continued ; not that we feared them, but because we intended not to injure any, desiring to live peaceably, and as with all men, so especially with them, our nearest neighbours. But whereas his people came very often, and very many together unto us, bringing for the most part their wives and children with them, they were welcome ; yet we being but strangers as yet at Patuxet, alias New Plymouth, and not knowing how our corn might prosper, we could no longer give them such entertainment as we had done, and as we desired still to do. Yet if he would be pleased to come himself, or any special friend of his desired to see us, coming from him they should be welcome. And to the end we might know them from others, our governor had sent him a copper chain ; desiring if any messenger should come from him to us, we might know him by bringing it with him, and hearken

' Capt. John Smith, in his map native country ; and for that they

of New England, published in received many kindnesses from

1616, had given the name of Plysome Christians there." Smith

mouth to this place. Morton says says its Indian name was Accoin his Memorial, p. 56, " The name mack, and calls it "an excellent

of Plymouth was so called, not only good harbour." The natives also

because Plymouth, in Old England, CoU. xxiii. 1, and xxvi, 97, 119. was the last town they left in their

, and give credit to his message accordingly ; also re- — -- questing him that such as have skins should bring them to us, and that he would hinder the multitude from oppressing us with them. And whereas, at our first arrival at Paomet,' called by us Cape Cod, we found there corn buried in the ground, and finding no inhabitants, but some graves of dead new buried, took the corn, resolving, if ever we could hear of any that had right thereunto, to make satisfaction to the full for it ; yet since we understand the owners thereof were fled for fear of us, our desire was either to pay them with the like quantity of corn, English meal, or any other commodities we had, to pleasure them w ithal ; requesting him that some one of his men might signify so much unto them, and we would content him for his pains. And last of all, our governor requested one favor of him, which was that he would exchange some of their corn for seed with us, that we might make trial which best agreed with the soil where we live. With these presents and message we set forward the June 10th June, about nine o'clock in the mornina;, our July guide resolving that night to rest at Namaschet,"* a town under Massasoyt, and conceived by us to be very near, because the inhabitants flocked so thick upon every slight occasion amongst us ; but we found it to be some

' See note ' on page 125, and with the rest of the Journal, I connote ' on pae 210. elude that on Monday, July 2d, * See note ' on page 134. they agreed to send, but set not out " June 10th being Lord's Day, till the next morning." Prince, it is very unlikely that they set out Ann. 191. Morion, in his Memothen, and is also inconsistent with rial, p. 69, says it was July 2. the rest of the Journal; whereas Namaschct, or Namaslcet; that July 2d is Monday, when Governor part of Middleborough, which the Bradford says, 'We sent Mr. EdEnglish first began to .settle. See ward Winslow and Mr. Steven Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 148. Capt. Hopkins to see our new friend Dermer was at this place in Massasoit;' though, to comport See note on page 190.

THE MESSENGERS REACH MIDDLEBOROUGH. 205

fifteen English miles. On the way we found some chap. ten or twelve men, vomen, and children, which had — v-w pestered us till we were wearj of them, perceivino- 621. that (as the manner of them all is) where victual is 3. easilest to be got, there they live, especially in the summer ; by reason whereof, our bay affording many lobsters, they resort every spring-tide thither ; and now returned with us to Namaschet. Thither we came about three o'clock after noon, the inhabitants entertaining us with joy, in the best manner they could, giving us a kind of bread called by them maiziiim, and the spawn of shads, which then they got in abundance, insomuch as they gave us spoons to eat them. With these they boiled musty acorns ; but of the shads we eat heartily. After this they desired one of our men to shoot at a crow, complaining what damage they sustained in their corn by them ; who shooting some fourscore off and killing, they much admired at it, as other shots on other occasions.

After this, Tisquantum told us we should hardly in one day reach Packanokick, moving us to go some eight miles further, where we should find more store and better victuals than there. Being willing to hasten our journey, we went and came thither at sunsetting, where we found many of the Namascheucks (they so calling the men of Namaschet) fishing upon a wear' which they had made on a river which belonged to them, where they caught abundance of bass. These welcomed us also, gave us of their fish, and we them

' Made of maz'te, or Indian corn, adjoining Bridgewater, is a noted

See note ' on page 131. place, which was formerly called

/ See note ' on page 145. the Old Indian Wear. Though

At or near a village now called other wears have been erected on

Tilicut, on Taunton river, in the Taunton river, yet this is probably

northwest part of Middleborough, the place intended. F,

, of our victuals, not doubtiiiir but we should have enough

— v- where'er we came. There we lodged in the open fields, for houses thej had none, though they spent the most of the summer there. The head of this river is reported to be not far from the place of our abode. Upon it are and have been many towns, it being a good length. The ground is very good on both sides, it being for the most part cleared. Thousands of men have lived there, which died in a great plague not long since ; and pity it was and is to see so many goodly fields, and so well seated, without men to dress and manure the same. Upon this river dwelleth Massasoyt. It cometh into the sea at the Narrohigganset bay, where the Frenchmen so much use. A ship may go many miles up it, as the salvages report, and a shallop to the head of it ; but so far as we saw, we are sure a shallop may. But to return to our journey. July The next morning we brake our fast, took our leave,

and departed ; being then accompanied with some six salvages. Having gone about six miles by the river side, at a known shoal place, it being low water, they spake to us to put off our breeches, for we must wade through. Here let me not forget the valor and courage of some of the salvages on the opposite side of the river ; for there were remaining alive only two men, both aged, especially the one, being above threescore. These two, espying a company of men entering the river, ran very swiftly, and low in the grass, to meet

1 The Winnatuckset, one of the * About six miles below Old Intributaries of Taunton river, has its dian Wear is a noted wading place,

source in Carver, seven miles from The opposite shore of Taunton rivPlvmouth. er is in Ravnham. F. Baylies,

- See note " on page 1S3. says, i. 75, it is " near the new forge

The river is navigable for on Taunton river, about three miles

gloops as far as Taunton. from the Green."

US at the bank : where, with shrill voices and fireat chap.

courage, standing charged upon us with their bows, — — - they demanded what we were, supposing us to be enemies, and thinking to take advantage on us in the 4. water. But seeing we were friends, they welcomed us with such food as they had, and we bestowed a small bracelet of beads on them. Thus far we are sure the tide ebbs and flows. '

Having here again refreshed ourselves, we proceeded in our journey, the weather being very hot for travel ; yet the country so well watered, that a man could scarce be dry, but he should have a spring at hand to cool his thirst, beside small rivers in abundance. But the salvages will not willingly drink but at a springhead. When we came to any small brook, where no bridge was, two of them desired to carry us through of their own accords ; also, fearing we were or would be weary, offered to carry our pieces ; also, if we would lay off any of our clothes, we should have them carried ; and as the one of them had found more special kindness from one of the messengers, and the other salvage from the other, so they showed their thankfulness accordingly in affording us all help and furtherance in the journey.

As we passed along, we observed that there were few places by the river but had been inhabited ; by reason whereof much ground was clear, save of weeds, which grew higher than our heads. There is much good timber, both oak, walnut tree, fir, beech, and exceeding great chestnut trees. The country, in respect of the lying of it, is both champaign and hilly, like many places in England. In some places it is very rocky, both above ground and in it ; and though the

, country be wild and overgrown with woods, yet the

trees stand not thick, but a man may well ride a horse amongst them.

4. Passing on at length, one of the company, an Indian,

espied a man, and told the rest of it. We asked them if they feared any. They told us that if they were Narrohigganset men, they would not trust them. Whereat we called for our pieces, and bid them not to fear; for though they were twenty, we two alone would not care for them. But they hailing him, he proved a friend, and had only two women with him. Their baskets were empty ; but they fetched water in their bottles, so that we drank with them and departed. After we met another man, with other two women, which had been at rendezvous by the salt water ; and their baskets were full of roasted crab fishes and other dried shell fish, of which they gave us ; and we eat and drank with them, and gave each of the women a string of beads, and departed.

After we came to a town of Massasovt's, where we eat oysters and other fish. From thence we went to Packanokick; but Massasoyt was not at home. There

' See note on page 124. course on Rhode Island, says, that

" This was a general name for " Sowams is the neck since called

the northern shore of Narraganset Phebe's Neck, in Barrington ; " but

Bay, between Providence and Taunintimates in a note that ''perhaps

ton rivers, and compreliending the Sowams is properly the name of

present townships of Bristol, Warthe river, where the two Swansey

ren, and Barrington, in the State of rivers meet and run together for

Rhode Island, and Swansey, in near a mile, when they empty

Massachusetts. Its northern exthemselves in the Narraganset Bay,

tent is unknown. The principal or of a small island, where these

seatsof Massasoit were at Sowams two rivers meet, at the bottom of

and Kikemuit. The former is a New Meadow Neck, so called."

neck of land formed by the confluSee Rhode Island Hist. Coll. iv. 84.

ence of Barrington and Palmer's Morton says, p. 69, that " they

rivers: the latter is Mount Hope." found his (Massasoit's) place to be

Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 221. about forty miles from New PlyCallendcr, in his Historical Dismouth."

we stayed, he being sent for. When news was brought chap. of his coming, our guide Tisquantum requested that at — -— our meeting we would discharge our pieces. But one I62i. of us going about to charge his piece, the women 4. and children, through fear to see him take up his piece, ran away, and could not be pacified till he laid it down again ; who afterward were better informed by our interpreter. Massasoyt being come, we discharged our pieces and saluted him ; who, after their manner, kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him ; where, having delivered our foresaid message and presents, and having put the coat on his back and the chain about his neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also to see their king so bravely attired.

For answer to our message, he told us we were welcome, and he would gladly continue that peace and friendship which was between him and us ; and, for his men, they should no more pester us as they had done ; also, that he would send to Paomet, and would help us with corn for seed, according to our request.

This being done, his men gathered near to him, to whom he turned himself and made a great speech ; they sometimes interposing, and, as it were, confirming and applauding him in that he said. The meaning whereof was, as far as we could learn, thus : Was not he, Massasoyt, commander of the country about them ? Was not such a town his, and the people of it ? And should they not bring their skins unto us ? To which they answered, they were his, and would be at peace with us, and bring their skins to us. After this manner he named at least thirty places, and their answer

, was as aforesaid to every one ; so that as it was delight-

This being ended, he lighted tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of England and of the King's Majesty, marvelling that he would live without a wife. Also he talked of the Frenchmen, bidding us not to suffer them to come to Narrohigganset, for it was King James's country, and he also was King James's man. Late it grew, but victuals he offered none ; for indeed he had not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired to go to rest. He laid us on the bed with himself and his wife, they at the one end and we at the other, it being only planks laid a foot from the ground and a thin mat upon them. Two more of his chief men, for want of room, pressed by and upon us ; so that we were worse weary of our lodging than of our journey. July The next day, being Thursday, many of their sachims, or petty governors, came to see us, and many of their men also. There they went to their manner of games for skins and knives. There we challenged them to shoot with them for skins, but they durst not ; only they desired to see one of us shoot at a mark, who

' Anne of Denmark, the wife of three places of the house about the

James I. of England, died on the fire. They lie upon planks, com2d of March, 1619, aged 45. monly about a foot or eighteen

"In their wigwams," says inches above the ground, raised upon

Gookin, " they make a kind of mils that are borne up upon forks,

couch or mattress, firm and strong, They lay mats under them, and

raised about a foot high from the coats of deer's skins, otters', beaearth ; first covered with boards vers', racoons', and of bears' hides,

that they split out of trees, and upall which they have dressed and

on the boards they spread mats genconverted into good leather, with

erally, and sometimes bear skins the hair on, for their coverings;

and deer skins. These are large and in this manner they lie as

enough for three or four persons to warm as they desire." See Mass.

lodge u|)on ; for their mattresses Hist. Coll. i. 150, and New English

are 6 or 8 feet broad." Morton Canaan, b. i. ch. 4. says, " Their lodging is made in

shooting with hail-shot, they wondered to see the chap. mark so full of holes. -v-

About one o'clock Massasojt brought two fishes that he had shot ; they were like bream, but three times so big, and better meat. These being boiled, there were at least forty looked for share in them ; the most eat of them. This meal only we had in two nights and a day ; and had not one of us bought a partridge, we had taken our journey fasting. Very importunate he was to have us stay with them longer. But we desired to keep the Sabbath at home ; and feared we should either be light-headed for want of sleep, for what with bad lodging, the savages' barbarous singing, (for they use to sing themselves asleep,) lice and fleas within doors, and mosquitoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our being there ; we much fearing that if we should stay any longer, we should not be able to recover home for want of strength. So that on the Friday July morning, before sunrising, we took our leave and departed, Massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed that he could no better entertain us ; and retaining Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure truck for us, and appointing another, called Tokamahamon, in his place, whom we had found faithful before and after upon all occasions.

At this town of Massasoyt's, where we before eat, we were again refreshed with a little fish, and bought about a handful of meal of their parched corn, which was very precious at that time of the year, and a small string of dried shell-fish, as big as oysters. The latter we gave to the six savages that accompanied us, keep-

' Probably the fish called tataug. See note on page 1S7. Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 288. These were probably claras.

, inff the meal for ourselves. When we drank, we eat

— -- each a spoonful of it with a pipe of tobacco, instead of 162 1. other victuals ; and of this also we could not but give them so long as it lasted. Five miles they led us to a house out of the way in hope of victuals ; but we found nobody there, and so were but worse able to return home. That night we reached to the wear where we lay before ; but the Namascheucks were returned, so that we had no hope of any thing there. One of the savages had shot a shad in the water, and a small squirrel, as big as a rat, called a neuxis; the one half of either he gave us, and after went to the wear to iish. From hence we wrote to Plymouth, and sent Tokamahamon before to Namasket, willing him from thence to send another, that he might meet us with food at Namasket. Two men now only remained with us ; and it pleased God to give them good store of fish, so that we were well refreshed. After supper we went to rest, and they to fishing again. More they gat, and fell to eating afresh, and retained sufficient ready roast for all our breakfasts. July About two o'clock in the morning, arose a great Storm of wind, rain, lightning, and thunder, in such violent manner that we could not keep in our fire ; and had the savages not roasted fish when we were asleep, we had set forward fasting ; for the rain still continued with great violence, even the whole day through, till we came within two miles of home. Being wet and weary, at length we came to Namaschet. There we refreshed ourselves, giving gifts to all such as had showed us any kindness. Amongst others, one of the six that came with us from Packanokick, having before this on the way unkindly forsaken us, marvelled we

gave him nothing, and told us what he had done for chap. us. We also told him of some discourtesies he offered — v- us, whereby he deserved nothing;. Yet we gave him a small trifle ; whereupon he offered us tobacco. But 7. the house being full of people, we told them he stole some by the way, and if it were of that, we would not take it ; for we would not receive that vt'hich was stolen, upon any terms ; if we did, our God would be angry with us, and destroy us. This abashed him, and gave the rest great content. But, at our departure, he would needs carry him ' on his back through a river whom he had formerly in some sort abused. Fain they would have had us to lodge there all night, and wondered we would set forth again in such weather. But, God be praised, we came safe home that night, though wet, weary, and surbated.

Undoubtedly the writer himself, and reached Pokanoket on WedWinslow. nesday, spent Thursday there, left

Surbated, bruised, wearied. Friday morning before sunrise, and

They had been absent five days, arrived at Plymouth Saturday eveThey started Tuesday morning, ning.

A VOYAGE MADE BY TEN OF OUR MEN TO THE KINGDOM OF NAUSET, TO SEEK A BOY > THAT HAD LOST HIMSELF IN THE WOODS; WITH SUCH ACCIDENTS AS BEFELL US IN THAT VOYAGE.

The 11th of June we set forth, the weather bemg very fair. But ere we had been long at sea, there arose a storm of wind and rain, with much hghtning and thunder, insomuch the't a spout arose not far from us. But, God be praised, it dured not long, and we put in that night for harbour at a place called Cummaquid, where we had some hope to find the boy. Two savages were in the boat with us. The one was Tisquantum, our interpreter ; the other Tokamahamon, a special

' The name of this boy was John Billington, according to Bradford, in Prince, p. 192. He was the brother of Francis, who discovered Billington Sea, and the son of John, the first culprit. See note ' on page 149, and note on page 172. Massasoit had sent word he was at Nauset.

' "This date being inconsistent with several hints in the foregoing and following stories, I keep to Governor Bradford's original manuscript, and place it between the end of July and the 13th of August." Prince, p. 192.

Barnstable harbour; which is formed by a neck of land, about half a mile wide, called Sandy Neck, which projects from SandAvich on the north shore, and runs east almost the length of the town. The harbour is about a mile wide, and four miles long. The tide rises in it from 10 to 14 feet. It has a bar running off northeast from the neck several miles, which prevents the entrance of large ships. Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 12. See note on page 159.

friend. It beinonight before we came in, we anchored chap.

in the midst of the bay, where we were dry at a low v-L. water. In the morning we espied savages seeking 1 621. lobsters, and sent our two interpreters to speak with day. them, the channel being between them ; where they told them what we were, and for what we were come, willing them not at all to fear us, for we would not hurt them. Their answer was, that the boy was well, but he was at Nauset ; yet since we were there, they desired us to come ashore, and eat with them ; which, as soon as our boat floated, we did, and went six ashore, having four pledges for them in the boat. They brought us to their sachim, or governor, whom they call lyanough, a man not exceeding twenty-six years of age, but very personable, gentle, courteous, and fair conditioned, indeed not like a savage, save for his attire. His entertainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheer plentiful and various.

One thing was very grievous unto us at this place. There was an old woman, whom we judged to be no less than a hundred years old, which came to see us, because she never saw English ; yet could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessively. We demanding the reason of it, they told us she had three sons, who, when Master Hunt was in these parts, went aboard his ship to trade with him, and he carried them captives into Spain, (for Tisquantum at that time was carried away also,) by which means she was deprived of the comfort of her children in her old age. We told them we were sorry

/ Sometimes called lyanoiigh of stable and Yarmouth harbours.

nough of Mattakiest, which seems Coll. i. 197, and iii. 15. F.

to be the country between Barn- See pages 186 and 190.

216 THE EXPEDITION REACH EASTHAM.

, that any Englishman should give them that offence, — - that Hunt was a bad man, and that all the English 121. that heard of it condemned him for the same ; but for us, we would not offer them any such injury, though it would gain us all the skins in the country. So we gave her some small trifles, which somewhat appeased her. 2d After dinner we took boat for Nauset, lyanough and two of his men accompanying us. Ere we came to Nauset, the day and tide were almost spent, insomuch as we could not go in with our shallop ; but the sachim or governor of Cummaquid went ashore, and his men with him. We also sent Tisquantum to tell Aspinet, the sachim of Nauset, wherefore we came. The savages he4"e came very thick amongst us, and were earnest with us to bring in our boat. But we neither well could, nor yet desired to do it, because we had less cause to trust them, being they only had formerly made an assault upon us in the same place, in time of

The territory which the Engseem to have been two cantons or

lish afterwards settled by the name sachemdoms of the Cape Indians,

of Eastham, and the northern part One extended from Eel river in

of which still retains the Indian Plymouth, to the south shore of the

name. The three light-houses, reCape, and comprehended what are

cently erected in that town, are now called the Mashpee Indians,

called the Nauset Lights. The and then extended upon the Cape

principal seats of the Nauset Indito the eastern part of Barnstable,

ans were at Namskeket, within the and as far westward as Wood's

limits of Orleans, and about the Hole; and divers petty sachems or

cove, which divides this township sagamores were comprehended in

from Orleans. Captain John Smith this division, of which Mashpee

mentions twice " the isle Nawset," was one. The eastern part of the

The water is very shoal at the capital of which was Nauset,

Nauset, or Eastham. See note ' or Eastham. Of these petty tribes

on page 152. the Nauset Indians appear to have

"The Indians upon Cape Cod, been the most important." Hutchalthough not considered a part of inson's Mass. i. 459, and Mass. Hist,

the Wamponoags, yet were supColl. viii, 159.

posed to be under some kind of * See page 156. subjection to Massasoit. There

our winter discovery for habitation. And indeed it chap.

xn. was no marvel they did so ; for howsoever, through --v-

snow or otherwise, we saw no houses, yet we were in the midst of them.

When our boat was aground, they came very thick; but we stood therein upon our guard, not suffering any to enter except two, the one being of Manamoick, and one of those whose corn we had formerly found. We promised him restitution, and desired him either to come to Patuxet for satisfaction, or else we would bring them so much corn again. He promised to come. We used him very kindly for the present. Some few skins we gat there, but not many.

After sunset, Aspinet came with a great train, and brought the boy with him, one bearing him through the water.- He had not less than a hundred with him ; the half whereof came to the shallop side unarmed with him ; the other stood aloof with their bows and arrows. There he delivered us the boy, behung with beads, and made peace with us ; we bestowing a knife on him, and likewise on another that first entertained the boy and brought him thither. So they departed from us.

Here we understood that the Narrohiggansets had spoiled some of Massasoyt's men, and taken him. This struck some fear in us, because the colony was so weakly guarded, the strength thereof being abroad.'*

' Chatham, the southern extre- Bradford adds, " We give them

rnity of Cape Cod. full satisfaction for the corn we

" He had wandered five days, had formerly found in their counlived on herries, then light of an try." Prince, p. 193. See note '

Indian plantation, twenty miles on page 134.

so'uth of us, called Manomet, (Sand- '' There were ten men in this

wich,) and they conveyed him to expedition. At the same time, acthe people who first assaulted us." cording to the dates of this and the

Bradford, in Prince, p. 192. previous paper, Winslow and Hop218 RETURN TO BARNSTABLE AND HOME.

But we set forth with resolution to make the best haste — home we could ; yet the wind being contrary, having 16 21. scarce any fresh water left, and at least sixteen leagues home, we put in again for the shore. There we met again with lyanough, the sachim of Cummaquid, and the most of his town, both men, women, and children with him. He, being still willing to gratify us, took a runlet, and led our men in the dark a great way for water, but could find none good ; yet brought such as there was on his neck with them. In the mean time the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing before the shallop, the men also showing all the kindness they could, lyanough himself taking a bracelet from about his neck and hanging it upon one of us.

Again we set out, but to small purpose ; for we gat but little homeward. Our water also was very brack3d ish, and not to be drunk. The next morning lyanough * espied us again, and ran after us. We, being resolved to go to Cummaquid again to water, took him into the shallop, whose entertainment was not inferior unto the former.

The soil at Nauset and here is alike, even and sandy, not so good for corn as where we are. Ships may safely ride in either harbour. In the summer they abound with fish. Being now watered, we put forth again, and by God's providence came safely home that night.

kinswere absent on their expedition ' Tlie distance from Eastham to

to Pokanoket, leaving only seven Plymouth is not more than twelve

men at the Plantation, the whole leagues. F.

number surviving at this time be- * A small barrel, ing nineteen.

A JOURNEY TO THE KINGDOM OF NAMASCHET, IN DEFENCE OF THE GREAT KING MASSASOYT AGAINST THE NARROHIGGANSETS, AND TO REVENGE THE SUPPOSED DEATH OF OUR INTERPRETER, TISQUANTUM.

At our return from Nauset we found it true that chap,

Massasoyt was put from his country by the Narrohig- — -— - gansets.* Word also was brought unto us that Cou162 1.

batant, a petty sachim or governor under Massasoyt, whom they ever feared to be too conversant with the Narrohiggansets, was at Namaschet ; who sought to draw the hearts of Massasoyt's subjects from him ; speaking also disdainfully of us, storming at the peace between Nauset, Cummaquid and us, and at Tisquantum, the worker of it ; also at Tokamahamon and one Hobbamock, two Indians, our allies, one of which he would treacherously have murdered a little before, being a special and trusty man of Massasoyt's. Tokamahamon went to him, but the other two would not ;

' Governor Bradford says no- In the original "or Lemes," to

thing of this, nor of Massasoit's which no meaning can be attached,

being either seized or invaded by It is manifestly an error of the

th Narragansetts. Prince, p. 193. press, and I have given what I con-

Governor Bradford plainly sider the true reading, writes him Corbitant. Prince, p. 194.

220 THE EXPEDITION REACH NAMASKET.

, yet put their lives in their hands, privately went to see — v if they could hear of their king, and lodging at Namas1621. chet were discovered to Coubatant, who set a guard to beset the house, and took Tisquantum; for he had said if he were dead, the English had lost their tongue. Hobbamock, seeing that Tisquantum was taken, and Coubatant held a knife at his breast, being a strong and stout man, brake from them and came to New Plymouth, full of fear and sorrow for Tisquantum, whom he thought to be slain. Aug. Upon this news the company assembled together, and resolved on the morrow to send ten men armed to Namaschet, and Hobbamock for their guide, to revenge the supposed death of Tisquantum on Coubatant, our bitter enemy, and to retain Nepeof,' another sachim or governor, who was of this confederacy, till we heard what was become of our friend Massasoyt. 14. On the morrow we set out ten men, armed, who took their journey as aforesaid ; but the day proved very wet. When we supposed we were within three or four miles of Namaschet, we went out of the way, and stayed there till night ; because we would not be discovered. There we consulted what to do ; and thinking best to beset the house at midnight, each was appointed his task by the Captain,'' all men encouraging one another to the utmost of their power. By night our guide lost his way, which much discouraged our men, being we were wet, and weary of our arms. But one '* of our men, having been before at Namaschet, brought us into the way again.

' This is the only time the name ish with 14 men." Prince, p. 194.

of this chief occurs in the annals ' Standish.

of the Colony. * Either Winslow or Hopkins,

* Bradford says, " Captain Standwho stopped at Namasket in going

THEY BESET THE HOUSE AT MIDNIGHT. 221

Before we came to the town, we sat down and ate chap.

such as our knapsacks afforded. That being done, we --v- threw them aside, and all such things as miHit hinder ipi.

us, and so went on and beset the house, according to 14. our last resolution. Those that entered demanded if Coubatant were not there ; but fear had bereft the savages of speech. We charged them not to stir ; for if Coubatant were not there, we would not meddle with them. If he were, we came principally for him, to be avenged on him for the supposed death of Tisquantum, and other matters ; but, howsoever, we would not at all hurt their women or children. Notwithstanding, some of them pressed out at a private door and escaped, but with some wounds. At length, perceiving our principal ends, they told us Coubatant was returned with all his train, and that Tisquantum was yet living and in the town ; offering some tobacco, other such as they had to eat. In this hurly-burly we discharged two pieces at random, which much terrified all the inhabitants, except Tisquantum and Tokamahamon ; who, though they knew not our end in coming, yet assured them of our honesty, that we would not hurt them. Those boys that were in the house, seeing our care of women, often cried Neen squaes ! that is to say, I am a woman ; the women also hanging upon Hobbamock, calling him towam, that is,

and returning from Pokanoket, in liams's Key to the native language

July. If it was Winslow, he may of New England, oh. 5; Wood's

reasonably be considered the writer Nomenclator, at the end of his

of this narrative. New England's Prospect; and Gal-

' This is correct Indian in the latin's Indian Vocabularies, in Coll.

Massachusetts and Narragansett Am. Antiq. Soc. ii. 308, 352. dialects. See Eliot's Indian Gram- Ptather, I am a girl ; sguaes being

raSr, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 253 ; a diminutive, formed by adding es

Cotton's Vocabulary of the Massato squa. See the Apostle Eliot's

chusetts language, in Mass. Hist. Indian Grammar, in Mass. Hist.

222 COUBATANT AND HIS PARTY ESCAPE.

, friend. But, to be short, we kept them we had, and

— made them make a fire, that we might see to search the house. In the mean tune, Hobbamock gat on the top of the house, and called Tisquantum and Tokamahamon, which came unto us accompanied with others, some armed, and others naked. Those that had bows and arrows, we took them away, promising them again when it was day. The house we took, for our better safeguard, but released those we had taken, manifesting whom we came for and wherefore. SOn the next mornino;, we marched into the midst of

the town, and went to the house of Tisquantum to breakfast. Thither came all whose hearts were upright towards us ; but all Coubatant's faction were fled away. There, in the midst of them, we manifested again our intendment, assuring them, that although Coubatant had now escaped us, yet there was no place should secure him and his from us, if he continued his threatening us, and provoking others against us, who had kindly entertained him, and never intended evil towards him till he now so Justly deserved it. Moreover, if Massasoyt did not return in safety from Narrohigganset, or if hereafter he should make any insurrection against him, or offer violence to Tisquantum, Hobbamock, or any of Massasoyt's subjects, we would revenge it upon him, to the overthrow of him and his. As for those [who] were wounded, we were sorry for it, though themselves procured it in not staying in the house, at our command ; yet if they would return home with us, our surgeon should heal them.

' The most common word for tor; Roger Williams's Key, ch. 1;

friend, in the Massachusetts and and Gallatin, in Coll. Am. Autiq.

Narragansett dialects, was netop or Soc. ii. 321.

netomp. See Cotton, in Mass. Hist. Their surgeon and physician

Coll. xxii. 165; Wood's Nomeaclawas Mr. Samuel Fuller, the eighth

THE EXPEDITION RETURN TO PLYMOUTH.

At this offer, one man and a woman that were chap. wounded went home with us ; Tisquantum and many — — other known friends accompanying us, and offering all help that might be by carriage of any thing we had, to 15! ease us. So that by God's good providence we safely returned home the morrow night after we set forth.

signer of the Compact. In 1629, when the scurvy and a malignant distemper broke out among the first settlers at Salem, "Mr. Endicot understanding that there was one at Plymouth that had skill in such diseases, sent thither for him ; at whose request he was sent unto them." He died in 1633, of an infectious fever. In the MS. Records of Plymouth Church, vol. i. p. 42, it is slated that "when the church came away out of Holland, they brought with them one deacon, Mr. Samuel Fuller, who officiated amongst them until his death. He was a good man, and full of the

holy spirit." Morton says, that "he did much good in his place, being not only useful in his faculty, but otherwise, as he was a godly man, and served Christ in the office of a deacon in the church for many years, and forward to do good in his place, and was much missed after God removed him out of this world." His widow, Bridget, and his son Samuel gave to the Plymouth church the lot of ground on which the parsonage now stands.

A RELATION OF OUR VOYAGE TO THE MASSACHUSETS,' AND WHAT HAPPENED THERE.

t seemed good to the company in general, that

-- though the Massachusets had often threatened us, (as

16 21. yg -yvere informed,) yet we should go amongst them,

partly to see the country, partly to make peace with

them, and partly to procure their truck. For these

ends the governors chose ten men, fit for the purpose,

and sent Tisquantum and two other salvages to bring

us to speech with the people and interpret for us.

Sept. We set out about midnight, the tide then serving for

us. We supposing it to be nearer than it is, thought to be there the next morning betimes ; but it proved well near twenty leagues from New Plymouth. We

The territory and tribe probably was called so from the Blue Hills,

took their name from the Blue a little island thereabout (in NarHills in Milton, which were originraganset Bay); and Cononicus's

ally called Massachusetts Mount, father and ancestors living in those

Smith speaks of them as " the high southern pans, transferred and

mountain of Massachusit." Cotbrought their authority and name

ton, in his Vocabulary of the Masinto those northern parts." See

sachusetts language, gives the folMass. Hist. Coll. xix. 1. xxvi. 120;

lowing definition :" Massa-chusett R. I. Hist. Coll. iv. 208; and

— a hill in the form of an arrow's Hutchinson's Mass. i. 460.

head." Roger Williams says, "I " The distance from Plymouth to

had learnt that the Massachusetts Boston by water is about 40 miles.

came into the bottom of the bay ; but behig late, we chap. anchored and lay in the shallop, not having seen any — v- of the people. The next morning we put in for the i- shore. There we found many lobsters, that had been 20. gathered together by the salvages, which we made ready under a clifT. The Captain set two sentinels behind the cliff, to the landward, to secure the shallop, and taking a guide with him and four of our company, went to seek the inhabitants ; where they met a woman coming for her lobsters. They told her of them, and contented her for them. She told them where the people were. Tisquantum went to them ; the rest returned, having direction which way to bring the shallop to them.

The sachim or governor of this place is called Obbatinewat ; and though he lives in the bottom of the Massachuset Bay, yet he is under Massasoyt. He used us very kindly. He told us he durst not then remain in any settled place for fear of the Tarentines. Also the squa sachim,* or Massachusets queen, was an enemy to him.

' By the bay is meant Boston ton. Thus Gov. Winthrop speaks

harbour. It extends from Nantasof going from vSalem to Massachuket to Boston, and spreads Irom setts.

Chelsea to Hingham, containing The Tarrateens orTarrenteens

about 75 square miles. See vSuow's resided on the Kennebec and the

Boston, p. 113. other rivers in Maine, and the

' Supposed to be Copp's hill, at country east of it. There was the north end of Boston. At the great enmity between them and the first settlement of the town, in Indians of Massachusetts Bay, who 1630, this hill, rising to the height although they had formerly been a of about fifty feet above the sea, great people, yet were now so represented on its northwest brow an duced that, upon alarms, they abrupt declivity, long after known would fly to the English houses as as Copp's hill steeps. See Snow's to asylums, where the Tarrenteens History of Boston, p. 105. durst not pursue them. Hutchin3'Slandish. son's Mass. i. 28, 456.

By Massachusetts Bay was I suppose the widow of Naneformerly understood only the inner pashemel, mentioned subsequently, bay, from Nahant to Point AlderTHE PILGRIMS IN DORCHESTER.

We told him of divers sachims that had acknovvlede;ed

-v- themselves to he King James's men,' and if he also l62i.vould submit himself, we would be his safeguard from his enemies ; which he did, and went along with us to bring us to the squa sachim. Again we crossed the bay, which is very large, and hath at least fifty islands in it ; but the certain number is not known to the inhabitants. Niglit it was before we came to that side of the bay where this people were. On shore the salvages WTnt, but found nobody. That night also we rid at anchor aboard the shallop.

On the morrow we went ashore, all but two men, and marched in arms up in the country. Having gone three miles we came to a place where corn had been newly gathered, a house pulled down, and the people gone. A mile from hence, Nanepashemet, their king, in his life-time had lived. His house was not like others, but a scaffold w-as largely built, with poles and planks, some six foot from [the] ground, and the house upon that, being situated on the top of a hill.

' Of course he could not be, as Prince supposes, the Obbatinnua who, with eight other sacheins, on the 13th of the same month, seven days before, had signed a paper, professing their submission to King James; unless his name was affixed subsequently to that date.

The number of islands in Boston harbour is not overstated, although several of them, such as Bird Island and Nick's Mate, have been washed away since this Journal was written. A list of them is contained in Snow's Boston, p. 114. Smith, in his Description of New England, says, " The country of the Massachusets is the paradise of all those parts ; for here are

They probably landed at Squantum, in Dorchester, which may have been so called by them at this time after their interpreter Tisquantum, who was one of the party.

■* Perhaps Milton Hill, or some one of the Blue Hills. " At Massachusetts, near the mouth of Charles river, there used to be a general rendezvous of Indians. That circle, which now makes the harbours of Boston and Charlestown, round by Maiden, Chelsea, Nantasket, Hingham, Weymouth, Braintree, and Dorchester, was the

Not far from hence, in a bottom, we came to a fort, chap.

built by their deceased king; the manner thus. There — — were poles, some thirty or forty feet long, stuck in the ground as thick as they could be set one by another ; 21. and with these they enclosed a ring some forty or fifty foot over ; a trench, breast high, was digged on each side ; one way there was to go into it with a bridge. In the midst of this palisado stood the frame of a house, wherein, being dead, he lay buried.

About a mile from hence we came to such another, but seated on the top of a hill. Here Nanepashemet was killed, none dwelling in it since the time of his death. At this place we stayed, and sent two salvages to look [for] the inhabitants, and to inform them of our ends in coming, that they might not be fearful of us. Within a mile of this place they found the women of the place together, with their corn on heaps, whither we supposed them to be fled for fear of us ; and the more, because in divers places they had newly pulled down their houses, and for haste in one place had left some of their corn covered with a mat, and nobody with it.

With much fear they entertained us at first ; but seeing our gentle carriage towards them, they took heart and entertained us in the best manner they could,

capital of a great sachem, much Mass. i. 460. See also Gookin, in

reverenced by all the plantations of Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 148.

Indians round about, and to him ' This corresponds exactly with

belonged Naponset, (Milton,) Punthe engraving of the Pequot Fort

kapog, (Stoughton,) Wessagusset, in Underbill's Newes from Ameri-

(Weymouth,)and several places on ca, printed in London in 1638, and

Charles river, where the natives reprinted in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi.

were seated. The tradition is, that 23.

this sachem had his principal seat See page 154.

upon a small hill or rising upland, Nanepashemet is supposed to

in fhe midst of a body of salt marsh have been killed in 1619, and his

in the township of Dorchester, [perwidow, the squa sachim, continued

haps Savin Hill] near to a place in the government. See Lewis's

called Squantum." Hutchinson's Hist, of Lynn, p. 16.

, boiling cod and such other things as they had for us.

— — At length, with much sending for, came one of their

162 1. men, shaking and trembling for fear. But when he

21. saw we intended them no hurt, but came to truck, he

promised us his skins also. Of him we inquired for

their queen ; but it seemed she was far from thence ; '

Here Tisquantum would have had us rifle the salvage women, and taken their skins and all such things as might be serviceable for us ; for, said he, they are a bad people, and have oft threatened you. But our answer was, Were they never so bad, we would not wrong them, or give them any just occasion against us. For their words, we little weighed them ; but if they once attempted any thing against us, then we would deal far worse than he desired.

Having well spent the day, we returned to the shallop, almost all the women accompanying us to truck, who sold their coats from their backs, and tied boughs about them, but with great shamefacedness, for indeed they are more modest than some of our English women are. We promised them to come again to them, and they us to keep their skins.

Within this bay the salvages say there are two rivers ; ~ the one whereof we saw, having a fair entrance, but we had no time to discover it. Better harbours for shipping cannot be than here are. At the entrance of the bay are many rocks ; and in all likelihood good

' The residence of the squa saShattuck's Hist, of Concord, p. 2,

chim of Massachusetts is variously and Drake's Book of the Indians, b.

conjectured to have been at Conii. p. 40.

cord, and in the neighbourhood of " The Mystic and the Charles,

the Wachuselt mountain. There the former of which they saw.

seems, however, no sufficient rea- The Graves and the Brewsters

son for placing it so remote. See are the principal rocks at the enTHEY RETURN TO PLYMOUTH.

fishing-ground.' Many, yea most of the islands have chap. been inhaliited, some being cleared from end to end. -- But the people are all dead," or removed. I62i.

Our victual growing scarce, the wind coming fair, and having a light moon, we set out at evening, and through the goodness of God came safely home before Sept. noon the day following.

trance of Boston bay. It is supposed that in this or some subsequent voyage the three Brewsters were named in honor of their venerable elder, and Point Alderton, the head-hind of Nantasket, after Isaac Allerion.

' The neighbourhood of tliese rocks is excellent fishing-ground.

* They had been swept off by the pestilence mentioned on page 184.

Governor Bradford adds, "with a considerable quantity of beaver, and a good report of the place, wishing we had been seated there." Prince, p. 19S.

They were absent on this expedition four days. Winslow was probably one of the party, and wrote this account.

" All the summer no want. While some were trading, others were fishing cod, bass, &c. We now gather in our harvest ; and as cold weather advances, come in store of water fowl, wherewith this place abounds, though afterwards they by degrees decrease ; as also abundance of wild turkeys, with venison, &c. Fit our houses against winter, are in health, and have all things in plenty." Bradford, in Prince, p. 198.

A LETTER SENT FROM NEW ENGLAND TO A FRIEND IN THESE PARTS, SETTING FORTH A BRIEF AND TRUE DECLARATION OF THE WORTH OF THAT PLANTATION ; AS ALSO CERTAIN USEFUL DIRECTIONS FOR SUCH AS INTEND A VOYAGE INTO THOSE PARTS.

Although I received no letter from you by this ship, yet forasmuch as I know you expect the performance of my promise, which was, to write unto you truly and faithfully of all things, I have therefore at this time sent unto you accordingly, referring you for further satisfaction to our more large Relations.

You shall understand that in this little time that a few of us have been here, we have built seven dwelling-houses and four for the use of the plantation, and have made preparation for divers others. We set the last spring some twenty acres of Indian corn, and

* This letter I think was adhelp, showing us how to set, fish, dressed to George Morton. See dress, and tend it." Bradford, in note on page 113. Prince, p. 190. The Indians' sea-

* The Fortune, in which this son for planting the maize was letter and the preceding Journal " when the leaves of the white oak were sent to England. are as hig as the ear of a mouse."

sowed some six acres of barley and pease ; and accordchap. ing to the manner of the Indians, we manured our --.— ground with herrings, or rather shads, which we have I62i. in great abundance, and take with great ease at our n. doors. Our corn did prove well ; and, God be praised, we had a good increase of Indian corn, and our barley indifferent good, but our pease not worth the gathering, for we feared they were too late sown. They came up very well, and blossomed ; but the sun parched them in the blossom.

Our harvest being gotten in, our governor sent four men on fowling, that so we might, after a special manner, rejoice together after we had gathered the fruit of our labors. They four in one day killed as much fowl as, with a little help beside, served the company almost a week. At which time, amongst other recreations, we exercised our arms, many of the Indians coming amongst us, and among the rest their greatest king, Massasoyt, with some ninety men, whom for three days we entertained and feasted ; and they went out and killed five deer, which they brought to the plantation, and bestowed on our governor, and upon the captain and others. And although it be not always so plentiful as it was at this time with us, yet by the goodness of God, we are so far from want, that we often wish you partakers of our plenty.

We have found the Indians very faithful in their covenant of peace with us, very loving and ready to pleasure us. We often go to them, and they come to us. Some of us have been fifty miles by land in the country with them, the occasions and relations whereof you shall understand by our general and more full declaration of such things as are worth the noting. Yea, it hath pleased God so to possess the Indians with a fear of us and love unto us, that not only the greatest king amongst them, called Massasoyt, but also all the princes and peoples round about us, have either made suit unto us, or been glad of any occasion to make peace with us ; so that seven of them at once have sent their messengers to us to that end. Yea, an isle at sea, which we never saw, hath also, together with the former, yielded willingly to be under the protection and subject to our sovereign lord King James. So that there is now great peace amongst the Indians

' This representation was rather Ohquamehud, Chikkatahak,

too encouraging, as will be seen Caiimacome, Quadaquina,

hereafter. Obhatinnua, Huttmoiden,

* Winslow himself had been to Nattaivahunt, Apannow."

Pokanoket, a distance of forty Caunbalant, miles. See page 208.

Morton has preserved in his Cawnacome was the sachem of

Memorial, p. 67, the following doManomet, or Sandwich, Caunbacument. tant of Mattapuvst, or Swansey,

''Septcmheri?.,aimoVnm.\cm. Quadequina was the brother of

" Know all men by these presents, Massasoit, and Apannow was prothat we, whose names are underbably Aspinet, the sachem of Nauwritten, do acknowledge ourselves set. Ohbatinua is supposed to have

to be the loyal subjects of King been the same as Obbatinewat, the

James, king of Great Britain, sachem of Shawmut, or Boston.

the Faith, fee. In witness where- ■* Capawack, or Nope, Martha's

of, and as a testimonial of the Vineyard. Sec Bradford, in Prince,

same, we have subscribed our p. 195, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii.

themselves, which was not formerly, neither would chap.

have been but for us ; and we, for our parts, walk as — — peaceably and safely in the wood as in the highways • in England. We entertain them familiarly in our 11. houses, and they as friendly bestowing their venison on us. They are a people without any religion or knowledge of any God, yet very trusty, quick of apprehension, ripe-witted, just. The men and women go naked, only a skin about their middles.

For the temper of the air here, it agreeth well with that in England ; and if there be any difference at all, this is somewhat hotter in summer. Some think it to be colder in winter ; but I cannot out of experience so say. The air is very clear, and not foggy, as hath been reported. I never in my life remember a more seasonable year than we have here enjoyed ; and if we have once but kine, horses, and sheep, I make no question but men might live as contented here as in any part of the world. For fish and fowl, we have great abundance. Fresh cod in the summer is but coarse meat with us. Our bay is full of lobsters all the summer, and affordeth variety of other fish. In September we can take a hogshead of eels in a night, with small labor, and can dig them out of their beds all the winter.'* We have muscles and othus at our doors. Oysters we have none

' The writer of this letter, Ed- The writer himself was the ward Winslow, afterwards correctfirst to bring over cattle to the planed this statement in his Good News tation, in 1624 — a bull and three from New England. "Whereas," he heifers.

234 THE PRODUCTIONS OF THE COUNTRY.

, near, but we can have them brought by the Indians when

we will. All the spring-time the earth sendeth forth na1621. turallj very good sallet herbs. H ere are grapes/ white 11. and red, and very sweet and strong also ; strawberries, gooseberries, raspas, &c. ; plums of three sorts, white'* black, and red, being almost as good as a damson ; abundance of roses, white, red and damask ; single, but very sweet indeed. The country wanteth only industrious men to employ ; for it would grieve your hearts if, as I, you had seen so many miles together by goodly rivers uninhabited; and withal, to consider those parts of the world wherein you live to be even greatly burthened with abundance of people. These things I thought good to let you understand, being the truth of things as near as I could experimentally take knowledge of, and that you might on our behalf give God thanks, who hath dealt so favorably with us.

Our supply of men from you came the 9th of November, 1621, putting in at Cape Cod, some eight or ten leagues from us. The Indians that dwell there-

Raspas, raspberries. Bradford and Smith,inPrince,p.l98.

* In the original ivith — an error Mr. Carver from Mr. Weston, dated of the press. London, July 6, wherein he writes,

Winslowhad observed ihisde- " We (the adventurers) have prosolation on the banks of Taunton cured you a charter, the best we

river. See page 206. could, better than your former, and

* The Fortune, a small vessel of with less limitation." Judge Da55 tons, brought over Robert Gushvis, in a note on Morton's Slemoman and 35 persons, a part of rial, p. 73, says, "this intimation whom no doubt were the 20 that refers to a patent from the Presiput back in the Speedwell. See dent and Council of New England note ' on page 99. The Fortune to John Fierce and his associates, sailed from London the beginning which was in trust for the compaof July, but could not clear the ny. It was probably brought in channel till the end of August, this ship, and was a few years She found all the colonists whom since found among the old papers the Mayflower had left in April, in the Land Office at Boston, by "lusty and in good health, except William Smith, Esq.oneof the Land six who had died ; and she stays a Committee. It bears the seals and

about were they who were owners of the corn which chap.

we found in caves, for which we have given them full — - content, and are in great league with them. They 121. sent us word there was a ship near unto them, but 11. thought it to be a Frenchman ; and indeed for ourselves we expected not a friend so soon. But when we perceived that she made for our bay, the governor commanded a great piece to be shot off, to call home such as were abroad at work. Whereupon every man, yea boy, that could handle a gun, were ready, with full resolution that, if she were an enemy, we would stand in our just defence, not fearing them. But God provided better for us than we supposed. These came all in health, not any being sick by the way, otherwise than by sea-sickness, and so continue at this time, by the blessing of God. The good-wife Ford was delivsignatures of the Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, the Earl of Warwick, and of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. There is another signature so obscurely written, as to be illegible. It does not appear what use was made of this patent by the Plymouth planters ; it was, not long afterwards, superseded by the second patent, surreptitiously obtained by Pierce, for his own benefit, and which, after his misfortunes, was assigned to the adventurers." Judge Davis gives an abstract of this patent in his Appendix, p. 362. I have sought for the original in vain in the archives of the State. It was never printed ; and it is to be feared is now lost. The original of the third patent, granted in 1629 to William Bradford and his associates, is preserved in the office of the Register of Deeds at Plymouth. It is on parchment, signed by the Ea1rl of Warwick, and the seal of the Plymouth Company, four inches in diameter, is appended to it. It is prefixed to the printed Laws of

' The following is an alphabetical list of the persons who came over in the Fortune.

John Adams, William Bassite, William Eeale, Edward Bompasse, Jonathan Brewster, Clement Brigges, John Cannon, William Coner, Robert Cushman, Thomas Cushman, Stephen Dean, Philip De La Noye, Thomas Flavell

Robert Hickes, William Hilton, Bennet Morgan, Thomas Morton, Austin Nicolas, William Palmer, William Pitt, Thomas Prence, Moses Simonson, Hugh Statie, James Steward, William Tench, John Winslow, William Wright.

Jonathan Brewster was a son of Elder Brewster; Thomas Cushman Was a son of Robert ; John Winslow was a brother of Edward. Thomas Prence (or Prince) was afterwards governor of the colony.

, ered of a son the first ms;ht she landed, and both of

When it pleaseth God we are settled and fitted for

11. the fishing business and other trading, I doubt not but by the blessing of God the gain will give content to all. In the mean time, that we have gotten we have sent by this ship ; and though it be not much, yet it will witness for us that we have not been idle, considering the smallness of our number all this summer. We hope the merchants will accept of it, and be encouraged to furnish us with things needful for further employment, which will also encourage us to put forth ourselves to the uttermost.

Now because I expect your coming unto us, with other of our friends, whose company we much desire, I thought good to advertise you of a few things needful. Be careful to have a very good bread-room to put your biscuits in. Let your cask for beer and water be iron-bound, for the first tire, if not more. Let not your

De La Noye (or Delano) was, acFrench, carried into France, kept cording to Winslow, in his Brief there fifteen days, and robbed of all Narrative, "born of French pashe had worth taking; then the rents," and Simonson (or Simpeople and ship are released, and mons) was a " child of one that get to London Feb. 17." Bradford, was in communion with the Dutch in Prince, p. 199. Smith, in his church at Leyden." The widow New England's Trials, printed in Foord brought three children, Wil1622, says she was laden with three Ham, Martha, and John. For a hogsheads of beaver skins, clapfurther account of some of these, board, wainscot, walnut, and some and the other early settlers, see sassafras.

Farmer's Genealogical E.egister, " Upon her departure, the govMitchell's Family Register, apernor and his assistant dispose the pended to his Hist.of Bridgewater, late comers into several families, and Deane's Family Sketches, in find their provisions will now scarce his Hist, of Scituate. hold out six months at half allow- ' " The Fortune sails Dec. 13, ance, and therefore put them to it, laden with two hogsheads of beaver which they bear patiently." Bradand other skins, and good clapford, in Prince, p. 199. boards as full as she can hold ; the George Morton, to whom I freight estimated near £500. But suppose this letter was written, in her voyage, as she draws near came out in the next ship, the the English coast, is seized by the Ann.

THINGS NEEDFUL FOR THE COLONY. 237

meat be dry-sailed ; none can better do it than the chap.

sailors. Let jour meal be so hard trod in your cask — -v- that you shall need an adz or hatchet to work it out Dec.

with. Trust not too much on us for corn at this time, ii. for by reason of this last company that came, depending wholly upon us, we shall have little enough till harvest. Be careful to come by some of your meal to spend by the way ; it will much refresh you. Build your cabins as open as you can, and bring good store of clothes and bedding with you. Bring every man a musket or fowling-piece. Let your piece be long in the barrel, and fear not the weight of it, for most of our shooting is from stands. Bring juice of lemons, and take it fasting ; it is of good use. For hot waters, aniseed water is the best ; but use it sparingly. If you bring any thing for comfort in the country, butter or sallet oil, or both, is very good. Our Indian corn, even the coarsest, maketh as pleasant meat as rice ; therefore spare that, unless to spend by the way. Bring paper and linseed oil for your windows, with

' Oiled paper to keep out the Even in the time of Henry VIII.

snow-storms of a New England they were considered a luxury, and

winter! This serves to give us yeomen and farmers were perfectly

some idea of the exposures and contented with windows of lattice,

hardships of the first colonists. It In the days of Queen Elizabeth

is an indication of progress in dothey were unknown except in a

mestic comfort when we find Higfew lordly mansions, and in them

ginson in 1629 writing from Salem they were regarded as movable

to his friends in England, " Be furniture. When the dukes of

sure to furnish yourselves with Northumberland left Alnwick casglass for windows." See Hutchtie to come to London for the wininson's Collection of Papers, p. 50. ter, the few glass windows, which

Glass windows were first introformed one of the luxuries of the

duced into England in 1180. They castle, were carefully taken out

were so rare in the reign of Edward and laid away, perhaps carried to

III. that Chaucer, in describing London to adorn the city residence,

his chamber, mentions particularly See Anderson's Hist, of Commerce,

»ith glass 323; Hallam's Middle Ages, ii.

" Were all the windows well y-giazed." 294 ; Northumberland Household

, cotton yarn for your lamps. Let your shot be most •-v-- for big fowls, and bring store of powder and shot. I forbear further to write for the present, hoping to see 11. jou by the next return. So 1 take my leave, commending you to the Lord for a safe conduct unto us, resting in him,

Plymouth, in New England, this 11th of December, Book, Preface, p. 16;E. Everett's ' Edward Winslow, of whom Address before the Merc. Lib. Assome account will be given heresoc. p. 19. after.

REASONS AND CONSIDERATIONS TOUCHING THE LAWFULNESS OF REMOVING OUT OF ENGLAND INTO THE PARTS OF AMERICA.

Forasmuch as many exceptions are daily made -f' against the going into and inhabiting of foreign desert — ' places, to the hindrances of plantations abroad, and"

. ... . ThePrethe increase of distractions at home ; it is not amiss amwe. that some which have been ear-witnesses of the exceptions made, and are either agents or abettors of such removals and plantations, do seek to give content to the world, in all things that possibly they can.

And although the most of the opposites are such as either dream of raising their fortunes here to that than which there is nothing more unlike, or such as affecting their home-born country so vehemently, as that they had rather with all their friends beg, yea, starve in it, than undergo a little difficulty in seeking abroad ; yet are there some who, out of doubt in tenderness of conscience, and fear to offend God by running before they be called, are straitened and do straiten others from going to foreign plantations.

For whose cause especially I have been drawn, out of my good affection to them, to publish some reasons

, that might give them content and satisfaction, and also -v- stay and stop the wilful and witty caviller ; and herein 1 trust I shall not be blamed of any godly wise, though through my slender judgment I should miss the mark, and not strike the nail on the head, considering it is the first attempt that hath been made (that I know of) to defend those enterprises. Reason would, therefore, that if any man of deeper reach and better judgment see further or otherwise, that he rather instruct me than deride me. cauAnd being; studious for brevity, we must first conGen. xii. sider, that whereas God of old did call and summon

XXXV. 1. Qj, fgjg-g |3y prcdictions, dreams, visions, and certain

"•' illuminations, to go from their countries, places and habitations, to reside and dwell here or there, and to

Psalm wander up and down from city to city, and land to land, according to his will and pleasure ; now there is no such calling to be expected for any matter whatsoever, neither must any so much as imagine that there

_Heb will now be any such thing. God did once so train up his people, but now he doth not, but speaks in another manner, and so we must apply ourselves to God's present dealing, and not to his wonted dealing ;

•°sh. and as the miracle of giving manna ceased, when the

fruits of the land became plenty, so God having such a plentiful storehouse of directions in his holy word, there must not now any extraordinary revelations be expected. But now the ordinary examples and precepts of the Scriptures, reasonably and rightly understood and applied, must be the voice and word, that must call us, press us, and direct us in every action. *?."g Neither is there any land or possession now, like unto the possession which the Jews had in Canaan,

being legally holy and appropriated unto a holy people, chap.

the seed of Abraham, in which they dwelt securely, '--- and had their days prolonged, it being by an immediate 1 621. voice said, that he (the Lord) gave it them as a land of rest after their weary travels, and a type of eternal rest in heaven. But now tfiere is no land of that sanctimony, no land so appropriated, none typical ; much less any that can be said to be given of God to any nation, as was Canaan, which they and their seed must dwell in, till God sendeth upon them sword or captivity. But now we are all, in all places, strangers and pilgrims, travellers and sojourners, most properly, having no dwelling but in this earthen tabernacle ; our \'-/ dwelling is but a wandering, and our abiding but as a fleeting, and in a word our home is nowhere but in the heavens, in that house not made with hands, whose maker and builder is God, and to which all ascend that love the coming of our Lord Jesus.

Though then there may be reasons to persuade a man to live in this or that land, yet there cannot be the same reasons which the Jews had ; but now, as natural, civil and religious bands tie men, so they must be bound, and as good reasons for things terrene and heavenly appear, so they must be led.

And so here falleth in our question, how a man that object, is here born and bred, and hath lived some years, may remove himself into another country.

I answer, a man must not respect only to live, and Ans. i. do good to himself, but he should see where he can "'it

live to do most good to others ; for, as one saith, " He mc whose living is but for himself, it is time he were dead."

1 So were the Jews, but yet heritances were more large than their temporal blessings and inours. — Author's Note.

, Some men there are who of necessity must here live,

---- as being tied to duties either to church, commonwealth, household, kindred, &c. ; but others, and that many, who do no good in none of those, nor can do none, as being iiot able, or not in favor, or as wanting opportunity, and live as outcasts — nobodies, eye-sores, eating but for themselves, teaching but themselves, and doing good to none, either in soul or body, and so pass over days, years and months, yea, so live and so die. Now such should lift up their eyes and see whether there be not some other place and country to which they may 2. Why go to do good, and have use towards others of that remove, knowlcdgc, wisdom, humanity, reason, strength, skill, faculty, &c. which God hath given them for the service of others and his own glory.

But not to pass the bounds of modesty so far as to

name any, though I confess I know many, who sit

Luke here still with their talent in a napkin, having notable

endowments both of body and mind, and might do great good if they were in some places, which here do none, nor can do none, and yet through fleshly fear, niceness, straitness of heart, &c. sit still and look on, and will not hazard a drachm of health, nor a day of pleasure, nor an hour of rest to further the knowledge Reas. 1. and salvation of the sons of Adam in that new world, where a drop of the knowledge of Christ is most precious, which is here not set by. Now what shall we say to such a profession of Christ, to which is joined no more denial of a man's self .

Object. But some will say. What right have I to go live in the heathens' country ?

Answ. Letting pass the ancient discoveries, contracts and agreements which our Englishmen have long since

made in those parts, toaether with the acknowledg;- chap.

ment of the histories and chronicles of other nations, — v- who profess the land of America from the Cape de Florida unto the Bay of Canada (which is south and north three hundred leagues and upwards, and east and west further than yet hath been discovered) is proper to the king of England, yet letting that pass, lest I be thought to meddle further than it concerns me, or further than I have discerning, I will mention such things as are within my reach, knowledge, sight and practice, since I have travailed in these affairs.

And first, seeing we daily pray for the conversion of Reas. 2. the heathens, we must consider whether there be not some ordinary means and course for us to take to convert them, or whether prayer for them be only referred to God's extraordinary work from heaven. Now it seemeth unto me that we ought also to endeavour and use the means to convert them ; and the means cannot be used unless \ve go to them, or they come to us. To us they cannot come, our land is full ; to them we may go, their land is empty.

This then is a sufficient reason to prove our going Reas. 3. thither to live, lawful. Their land is spacious and void, and there are few, and do but run over the grass, as do also the foxes and wild beasts. They are not industrious, neither have art, science, skill or faculty to use either the land or the commodities of it ; but all spoils, rots, and is marred for want of manuring, gathering, ordering, &c. As the ancient patriarchs, therefore, removed from straiter places into more roomy,

'/Jacques Cartier, of St. Malo, Montreal. Florida was discovered in France, discovered the great by Juan Ponce de Ienn, a Spanriver of Canada in August, 1534, iard, in 1512. See Bancroft's Unitand in 1535 sailed up as far as ed States, i. 19—24, 31—34.

, where the land lay idle and waste, and none used it,

"'■ though there dwelt inhabitants bv them, as Gen. xiii.

16 21. gj 11, 12, and xxxiv. 21, and xli. 20, so is it lawful now to take a land wiiich none useth, and make use of it.

Reas. 4. Aiid as it is a common land, or unused and undressed country, so we have it by common consent, composition and agreement ;* which agreement is double. First, the imperial governor, Massasoit, whose circuits, in likelihood, are larger than England and Scotland, hath acknowledged the King's Majesty of England to be his master and commander, and that once in my hearing, yea, and in writing, under his hand, to Captain Standish, both he and many other kings which are under him, as Pamet, Nauset, Cummaquid, Narrowhiggonset, Namaschet, &c., with divers others that dwell about the bays of Patuxet and Massachuset. Neither hath this been accomplished by threats and blows, or shaking of sword and sound of trumpet ; for as our faculty that way is small, and our strength less, so our warring with them is after another manner, namely, by friendly usage, love, peace, honest and just carriages, good counsel, &c., that so we and they may not only live in peace in that land, and they yield subpsai. ex jection to an earthly prince, but that as voluntaries

sKiii.3. jg- yy ]-jg persuaded at length to embrace the Prince

of Peace, Christ Jesus, and rest in peace with him forever.

Secondly, this composition is also more particular and applicatory, as touching ourselves there inhabiting.

' This is to be considered as See pages 193 and 220. respecting New England, and the territories about the plantation. — Auihors Note.

The emperor, by a joint consent, hath promised and chap.

appointed us to live at peace where we will in all his vldominions, taking what place we will, and as much land as we will,' "d bringing as many people as we will ; and that for these two causes. First, because we , are the servants of James, king of England, whose the land (as he confesseth) is. Secondly, because he hath found us just, honest, kind and peaceable, and so loves our company. Yea, and that in these things there is no dissimulation on his part, nor fear of breach (except our security engender in them some unthought of treachery, or our uncivility provoke them to anger) is most plain in other Relations, which show that the things they did were more out of love than out of fear. It being then, first, a vast and empty chaos; secondly, acknowledged the right of our sovereign king ; thirdly, by a peaceable composition in part possessed of divers of his loving subjects, I see not who can doubt or call in question the lawfulness of inhabiting or dwelling there ; but that it may be as lawful for such as are not tied upon some special occasion here, to live there as well as here. Yea, and as the enterprise is weighty and difficult, so the honor is more worthy, to plant a rude wilderness, to enlarge the honor and fame of our

' In the " Warrantable Grounds English New Plymouth. All which

and Proceedings of the first Assolands being void of inhabitants,

ciates of New Plymouth, in their we, the said John Carver, William

laying the first foundation of this Bradford, Edward Winslow, WilGovernment, in their making of liam Brewster, Isaac AUerton, and

laws, and disposing of the lands the rest of our associates entering

within the same," prefixed to the into a league of peace with MassaCode of Laws printed in 16S5, it is soit, since called Woosamequin,

stated that " by the favor of the prince or sachem of those parts,

Almighty they began the colony in he, the said Massasoit, freely gave

New England (there being then them all the lands adjacent, to

no other within the said continent) them and their heirs forever."

at a place called by the natives He refers to the preceding

Apaum, alias Patuxet, but by the Journal.

, dread sovereign, but chiefly to display the efficacy and — -v- power of the Gospel, both in zealous preaching, pro1621. fessing, and wise walking under it, before the faces of

As for such as object the tediousness of the voyage

thither, the danger of pirates' robbery, of the savages' prov. treachery, Sec, these are but lions in the way : and it

were well for such men if they were in heaven. For who can show them a place in this world where inxiix's. iquity shall not compass them at the heels, and where Mat. vi. they shall have a day without grief, or a lease of life for a moment.'' And who can tell, but God, what dangers may lie at our doors, even in our native country, or what plots may be abroad, or when God will ■.mf| cause our sun to go down at noon-day, and, in the midst of our peace and security, lay upon us some lasting scourge for our so long neglect and contempt of his most glorious Gospel ? Object. But we have here great peace, plenty of the Gospel,

and many sweet delights, and variety of comforts. Answ. True, indeed ; and far be it from us to deny and schro. diminish the least of these mercies. But have we renxxxu.

" dered unto God thankful obedience for this long peace, whilst other peoples have been at wars ? Have we not rather murmured, repined, and fallen at jars amongst ourselves, whilst our peace hath lasted with foreign power ? Was there ever more suits in law, more enGen. vy, contempt and reproach than nowadays ? Abraham

- ' and Lot departed asunder when there fell a breach

betwixt them, which was occasioned by the straitness of the land ; and surely I am persuaded, that howsoever the frailties of men are principal in all contentions, yet the straitness of the place is such, as each

man is fain to pluck his means, as it were, out of his chap.

neighbour's throat, there is such pressing and oppressing --v- in town and country, about farms, trades, traffick, &c. ; so as a man can hardly any where set up a trade, but he shall pull down two of his neighbours.

The towns abound with young tradesmen, and the hospitals are full of the ancient ; the country is replenished with new farmers, and the almshouses are filled with old laborers. Many there are who get their living with bearing burdens ; but more are fain to burden the land with their whole bodies. Multitudes get their means of life by prating, and so do numbers more by begging. Neither come these straits upon men always through intemperance, ill husbandry, indiscretion, &c., as some think ; but even the most wise, sober, and discreet men go often to the wall, when they have done their best ; wherein, as God's providence swayeth all, so it is easy to see that the straitness of the place, having in it so many strait hearts, cannot but produce such effects more and more ; so as every indifferent minded man should be ready to say with father Abraham, " Take thou the right hand, and I will take the left :" let us not thus oppress, straiten, and afflict one another ; but seeing there is a spacious land, the way to which is through the sea, we will end this difference in a day.

That I speak nothing about the bitter contention that hath been about religion, by writing, disputing and inveighing earnestly one against another, the heat of which zeal, if it were turned against the rude barbarism of the heathens, it might do more good in a day, than it hath done here in many years. Neither of the little love to the Gospel, and profit which is

, made by the preachers in most places, which might — v- easily drive the zealous to the heathens ; who, no doLibt, if they had but a drop of that knowledge which here flieth about the streets, would be filled with exceeding great joy and gladness, as that they would even pluck the kingdom of heaven by violence, and take it, as it were, by force. '•','ast Xhe greatest let that is yet behind is the sweet fellowship of friends, and the satiety of bodily delights.

But can there be two nearer friends almost than Abraham and Lot, or than Paul and Barnabas ? And yet, upon as little occasions as we have here, they departed asunder, two of them being patriarchs of the church of old, the other the apostles of the church which is new ; and their covenants were such as it seemeth might bind as much as any covenant between men at this day ; and yet, to avoid greater inconveniences, they departed asunder.

Neither must men take so much thought for the flesh, as not to be pleased except they can pamper their bodies with variety of dainties. Nature is content with little, and health is much endangered by mixtures upon the stomach. The delights of the palate James do oftcu iuflamc the vital parts ; as the tongue setteth a-fire the whole bod v. Secondlv, varieties here are not common to all, but many good men are glad to snap at a crust. The rent-taker lives on sweet morsels, but the rent-payer eats a dry crust often with watery eyes ; and it is nothing to say what some one of a hundred hath, but what the bulk, body and commonalty hath ; which I warrant you is short enough.

And they also which now live so sweetly, hardly will their children attain to that privilege ; but some

cii'cnmventor or other will outstrip them, and make chap. them sit in the dust, to which men are brought in one — -- age, but cannot get out of it again in seven genera1621. tions.

To conclude, without all partiality, the present consumption which groweth upon us here, whilst the land groaneth under so many close-fisted and unmerciful men, being compared with the easiness, plainness and plentifulness in living in those remote places, may quickly persuade any man to a liking of this course, and to practise a removal ; which being done by honest, godly and industrious men, they shall there be right heartily welcome ; but for other of dissolute and profane life, their rooms are better than their companies. For if here, where the Gospel hath been so long and plentifully taught, they are yet frequent in such vices as the heathen would shame to speak of, what will they be when there is less restraint in word and deed ? My only suit to all men is, that whether they live there or here, they would learn to use this world as they used it not, keeping faith and a good conscience, both with God and men, that when the day of account shall come, they may come forth as good and fruitful servants, and freely be received, and enter into the joy of their Master. R. C.

' Robert Cushman. It will he those " which came first over in the

recollected that he was twice sent Mayflower." In a letter toGoverfrora Leyden to England as the nor Bradford, dated December 22,

agent of the Pilgrims, and embark1624, he writes, "I hope the next

ed in the Speedwell, in 1620, but ships to come to you;" but he

was obliged to put back. He came was prevented by death. Governor

over in the Fortune, and returned Bradford speaks of him as "our

in her, as the adventurers had apancient friend, Mr. Cushman, who

poiijted, to give them information of was our right hand with the adthe state of the colony. In 1623, a venturers, and for divers years

lot of land was assigned him with managed all our business with

250 CONDITION AND PRODUCTS OF THE COLONY.

Loving Cousin,

■'°" At our arrival at New Plymouth, in New England, we found all our friends and planters in good health, though they were left sick and weak, with very small means ; the Indians round about us peaceable and friendly ; the country very pleasant and temperate, yielding naturally, of itself, great store of fruits, as vines of divers sorts, in great abundance. There is likewise walnuts, chestnuts, small nuts and plums, with much variety of flowers, roots and herbs, no less pleasant than wholesome and profitable. No place hath more gooseberries and strawberries, nor better. Timber of all sorts you have in England doth cover the land, that affords beasts of divers sorts, and great flocks of turkeys, quails, pigeons and partridges ; many great lakes abounding with fish, fowl, beavers, and otters. The sea affords us great plenty of all excellent sorts of sea-fish, as the rivers and isles doth variety of wild fowl of most useful sorts. Mines we find, to our thinking ; but neither the goodness nor quality we know. Better grain cannot be than the Indian corn, if we will plant it upon as good ground as a man need desire. We are all freeholders ; the rent-day doth not trouble us ; and all those good blessings we have, of which and what we list in their seasons for taking.

them." He brought his soa Thomas first minister of Plympton. Dewilh him in the Fortune, whom he scendants of this honorable name

entrusted to the care of Governor are numerous in the Old Colony.

of Brewster was chosen, in 1619, Prince, p. 238; Mass. Hist. Coll.

ruling elder of the Plymouth church, iii. 35; Belknap's Am. Biog. ii.

He married Mary, daughter of Isaac 267. AUertou, and his son Isaac was the

Our company are, for most part, very religious, honchap. est people ; the word of God sincerely taught us -~ every Sabbath; so that I know not any thing a con1621. tented mind can here want. I insert this letter, because it was written by one of the passengers iu the Fortune. It was first

printed in 1622, in Smith's New England's Trials. The writer and his brother Edward, fishmongers of London, commenced, in the spring of 1623, at Dover, the settlement of New Hampshire.