Early Christian Lives

Letter LVIII.--Second Letter to Orsisius.

But the most holy Archbishop Athanasius, when he heard about our father Theodorus, was grieved, and sent this letter to the Abbat Orsisius and the brethren to console them for his decease, as follows:'--

Athanasius to Orsisius, Abbat, father of monks, and to all with him who practise the solitary life, and are settled in faith in God, beloved brethren most longed for in the Lord, greeting.

I have heard about the decease of the blessed Theodorus [4695] , and the tidings caused me great anxiety, knowing as I did his value to you. Now if it had not been Theodorus, I should have used many words to you, with tears, considering what follows after death. But since it is Theodorus whom you and I have known, what need I say in my letter save Blessed is' Theodorus, who hath not walked in the council of the ungodly [4696] ?' But if he is blessed that feareth the Lord [4697] ,' we may now confidently call him blessed, having the firm assurance that he has reached as it were a haven, and has a life without care. Would that the same had also befallen each one of us; would that each of us in his running might thus arrive; would that each of us, on his voyage, might moor his own bark there in the stormless haven, so that, at rest with the fathers, he might say, here will I dwell, for I have a delight therein [4698] .' Wherefore, brethren beloved and most longed-for, weep not for Theodorus, for he is not dead, but sleepeth [4699] .' Let none weep when he remembers him, but imitate his life. For one must not grieve over one that is gone to the place where grief is not. This I write to you all in common; but especially to you, beloved and most longed for Orsisius, in order that now that he is fallen asleep, you may take up the whole charge, and take his place among the brethren. For while he survived, you two were as one, and when one was away, the work of both was carried on: and when both were there you were as one, discoursing to the beloved ones what made for their good. Thus act, then, and so doing write and tell me of the safety of yourself and of the brotherhood. And I exhort you all to pray together that the Lord may grant further peace to the Churches. For we now kept festival with joy, both Easter and Pentecost, and we rejoice in the benefits of the Lord. I write to you all. Greet all who fear the Lord. Those with me greet you. I pray that you may be well in the Lord, beloved and much-longed-for brethren. __________________________________________________________________

[4695] On Theodore see Amelineau, S. Pakhôme, &c., pp. xcv.-xcvii. The death of Theodore is fixed for April 27, 364, on the following grounds. He died (Vit. Pachom. 95) of a short and sudden illness, on Pachon 2 (April 27), and shortly after Easter. Moreover his death took place 18 years after that of Pachomius. But Ammon (as he tells us himself, supr. p. 487) became a Christian and a monk a year and more' after March 15, 351 (proclamation of Gallus as Cæsar), and six years after the death of Pachomius. (Ep. Amm. 4, 5.) This dates the latter event a little less than five years before March 15, 351. But Pachomius died, according to his Life, on Pachon 14 (May 9), of an epidemic which attacked the community after Easter. This double condition is satisfied by the year 346, in which Easter fell on Pharm. 4, forty days before the day of Pachomius' decease. If then Pachomius died in 346, Theodore died in 364. Against this result we have (1) the fact that in that year April 27 was twenty-three days after Easter; but the Easter gathering of the monks would last over April 11 (Low Sunday), and the death of Theodore would come suddenly enough a fortnight later; (2) the fragment (supr. p. 551) probably belonging to Letter 39, which a coptic life of Theodore makes him state that he received before his last Easter. But this cannot be correct; for all known data forbid us to place the death of Theodore as late as 367. (Tillemont's tentative opinion, vii. 691, 761, is bound up with an obsolete chronology of the exiles of Athan.) On the other hand Theodore cannot have died as early as 363. Athanasius was with him (supr. p. 487) in the summer of that year, and when our present letter was written Ath. had clearly kept Easter at home, which suits 364, but excludes 363.

[4696] Ps. i. 1.

[4697] Ps. cxii. 1.

[4698] Ib. cxxxii. 14.

[4699] Matt. ix. 24. __________________________________________________________________

Letter LIX.--To Epictetus.

To my Lord, beloved brother, and most-longed-for fellow-minister Epictetus [4700] , Athanasius greeting in the Lord. I thought that all vain talk of all heretics, many as they may be, had been stopped by the Synod which was held at Nicæa. For the Faith there confessed by the Fathers according to the divine Scriptures is enough by itself at once to overthrow all impiety, and to establish the religious belief in Christ. For this reason at the present time, at the assembling of diverse synods, both in Gaul and Spain, and great Rome [4701] , all who came together, as though moved by one spirit, unanimously anathematised those who still were secretly holding with Arius, namely Auxentius of Milan, Ursacius, Valens, and Gaius of Pannonia. And they wrote everywhere, that, whereas the above-said were devising the names of synods to cite on their side, no synod should be cited in the Catholic Church save only that which was held at Nicæa, which was a monument of victory over all heresy, but especially the Arian, which was the main reason of the synod assembling when it did. How then, after all this, are some attempting to raise doubts or questions? If they belong to the Arians, this is not to be wondered at, that they find fault with what was drawn up against themselves, just as the Gentiles when they hear that the idols of the heathen are silver and gold, the work of men's hands [4702] ,' think the doctrine of the divine Cross folly. But if those who desire to reopen everything by raising questions belong to those who think they believe aright, and love what the fathers have declared, they are simply doing what the prophet describes, giving their neighbour turbid confusion to drink [4703] , and fighting about words to no good purpose, save to the subversion of the simple.

2. I write this after reading the memoranda submitted by your piety, which I could wish had not been written at all, so that not even any record of these things should go down to posterity. For who ever yet heard the like? Who ever taught or learned it? For from Sion shall come forth the law of God, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem [4704] ;' but whence came forth this? What lower region has vomited the statement that the Body born of Mary is coessential with the Godhead of the Word? or that the Word has been changed into flesh, bones, hair, and the whole body, and altered from its own nature? Or who ever heard in a Church, or even from Christians, that the Lord wore a body putatively, not in nature; or who ever went so far in impiety as to say and hold, that this Godhead, which is coessential with the Father, was circumcised and became imperfect instead of perfect; and that what hung upon the tree was not the body, but the very creative Essence and Wisdom? Or who that hears that the Word transformed for Himself a passible body, not of Mary, but of His own Essence, could call him who said this a Christian? Or who devised this abominable impiety, for it to enter even his imagination, and for him to say that to pronounce the Lord's Body to be of Mary is to hold a Tetrad instead of a Triad in the Godhead? Those who think thus, saying that the Body of the Saviour which He put on from Mary, is of the Essence of the Triad. Or whence again have certain vomited an impiety as great as those already mentioned; saying namely, that the body is not newer than the Godhead of the Word, but was coeternal with it always, since it was compounded of the Essence of Wisdom. Or how did men called Christians venture even to doubt whether the Lord, Who proceeded from Mary, while Son of God by Essence and Nature, is of the seed of David according to the flesh [4705] , and of the flesh of the Holy Mary? Or who have been so venturesome as to say that Christ Who suffered in the flesh and was crucified is not Lord, Saviour, God, and Son of the Father [4706] ? Or how can they wish to be called Christians who say that the Word has descended upon a holy man as upon one of the prophets, and has not Himself become man, taking the body from Mary; but that Christ is one person, while the Word of God, Who before Mary and before the ages was Son of the Father, is another? Or how can they be Christians who say that the Son is one, and the Word of God another?

3. Such were the contents of the memoranda; diverse statements, but one in their sense and in their meaning; tending to impiety. It was for these things that men who make their boast in the confession of the fathers drawn up at Nicæa were disputing and quarrelling with one another. But I marvel that your piety suffered it, and that you did not stop those who said such things, and propound to them the right faith, so that upon hearing it they might hold their peace, or if they opposed it might be counted as heretics. For the statements are not fit for Christians to make or to hear, on the contrary they are in every way alien from the Apostolic teaching. For this reason, as I said above, I have caused what they say to be baldly inserted in my letter, so that one who merely hears may perceive the shame and impiety therein contained. And although it would be right to denounce and expose in full the folly of those who have had such ideas, yet it would be a good thing to close my letter here and write no more. For what is so manifestly shewn to be evil, it is not necessary to waste time in exposing further, lest contentious persons think the matter doubtful. It is enough merely to answer such things as follows: we are content with the fact that this is not the teaching of the Catholic Church, nor did the fathers hold this. But lest the inventors of evil things [4707] ' make entire silence on our part a pretext for shamelessness, it will be well to mention a few points from Holy Scripture, in case they may even thus be put to shame, and cease from these foul devices.

4. Whence did it occur to you, sirs, to say that the Body is of one Essence with the Godhead of the Word? For it is well to begin at this point, in order that by shewing this opinion to be unsound, all the others too may be proved to be the same. Now from the divine Scriptures we discover nothing of the kind. For they say that God came in a human body. But the fathers who also assembled at Nicæa say that, not the body, but the Son Himself is coessential with the Father, and that while He is of the Essence of the Father, the body, as they admitted according to the Scriptures, is of Mary. Either then deny the Synod of Nicæa, and as heretics bring in your doctrine from the side; or, if you wish to be children of the fathers, do not hold the contrary of what they wrote. For here again you may see how monstrous it is: If the Word is coessential with the body which is of earthly nature, while the Word is, by your own confession, coessential with the Father, it will follow that even the Father Himself is coessential with the body produced from the earth. And why any longer blame the Arians for calling the Son a creature, when you go off to another form of impiety, saying that the Word was changed into flesh and bones and hair and muscles and all the body, and was altered from its own nature? For it is time for you to say openly that He was born of earth; for from earth is the nature of the bones and of all the body. What then is this great folly of yours, that you fight even with one another? For in saying that the Word is coessential with the Body, you distinguish the one from the other [4708] , while in saying that He has been changed into flesh, you imagine a change of the Word Himself. And who will tolerate you any longer if you so much as utter these opinions? For you have gone further in impiety than any heresy. For if the Word is coessential with the Body, the commemoration and the work of Mary are superfluous [4709] , inasmuch as the body could have existed before Mary, just as the Word also is eternal: if, that is, it is as you say co-essential with the Body. Or what need was there even of the Word coming among us, to put on what was coessential with Himself, or to change His own nature and become a body? For the Deity does not take hold [4710] of itself, so as to put on what is of its own Essence, any more than the Word sinned, in that it ransoms the sins of others, in order that changing into a body it should offer itself a sacrifice for itself, and ransom itself.

5. But this is not so, far be the thought. For he takes hold of the seed of Abraham [4711] ,' as the apostle said; whence it behoved Him to be made like His brethren in all things, and to take a Body like us. This is why Mary is truly presupposed, in order that He may take it from her, and offer it for us as His own. And this Isaiah pointed to in his prophecy, in the words: Behold the Virgin [4712] ,' while Gabriel is sent to her--not simply to a virgin, but to a virgin betrothed to a man [4713] ,' in order that by means of the betrothed man he might shew that Mary was really a human being. And for this reason Scripture also mentions her bringing forth, and tells of her wrapping Him in swaddling clothes; and therefore, too, the paps which He sucked were called blessed [4714] . And He was offered as a sacrifice, in that He Who was born had opened the womb [4715] . Now all these things are proofs that the Virgin brought forth. And Gabriel preached the Gospel to her without uncertainty, saying not merely what is born in thee,' lest the body should be thought to be extraneously induced upon her, but of thee,' that what was born might be believed to be naturally from her, inasmuch as Nature clearly shews that it is impossible for a virgin to produce milk unless she has brought forth, and impossible for a body to be nourished with milk and wrapped in swaddling clothes unless it has previously been naturally brought forth. This is the meaning of His being circumcised on the eighth day: of Symeon taking Him in his arms, of His becoming a young child, and growing when He was twelve years old, and of His coming to His thirtieth year. For it was not, as some suppose, the very Essence of the Word that was changed, and was circumcised, because it is incapable of alteration or change. For the Saviour Himself says, Behold, behold, it is I, and I change not [4716] ,' while Paul writes: Jesus Christ, the same yesterday, and to-day, and for ever [4717] .' But in the Body which was circumcised, and carried, and ate and drank, and was weary, and was nailed on the tree and suffered, there was the impassible and incorporeal Word of God. This Body it was that was laid in a grave, when the Word had left it, yet was not parted from it, to preach, as Peter says, also to the spirits in prison [4718] .

6. And this above all shews the foolishness of those who say that the Word was changed into bones and flesh. For if this had been so, there were no need of a tomb. For the Body would have gone by itself to preach to the spirits in Hades. But as it was, He Himself went to preach, while the Body Joseph wrapped in a linen cloth, and laid it away at Golgotha [4719] . And so it is shewn to all that the Body was not the Word, but Body of the Word. And it was this that Thomas handled when it had risen from the dead, and saw in it the print of the nails, which the Word Himself had undergone, seeing them fixed in His own Body, and though able to prevent it, did not do so. On the contrary, the incorporeal Word made His own the properties of the Body, as being His own Body. Why, when the Body was struck by the attendant, as suffering Himself He asked, Why smitest thou Me [4720] ?' And being by nature intangible, the Word yet said, I gave My back to the stripes, and My cheeks to blows, and hid not My face from shame and spitting [4721] .' For what the human Body of the Word suffered, this the Word, dwelling in the body, ascribed to Himself, in order that we might be enabled to be partakers of the Godhead of the Word [4722] . And verily it is strange that He it was Who suffered and yet suffered not. Suffered, because His own Body suffered, and He was in it, which thus suffered; suffered not, because the Word, being by Nature God, is impassible. And while He, the incorporeal, was in the passible Body, the Body had in it the impassible Word, which was destroying the infirmities inherent in the Body. But this He did, and so it was, in order that Himself taking what was ours and offering it as a sacrifice, He might do away with it, and conversely might invest us with what was His, and cause the Apostle to say: This corruptible must put on incorruption, and this mortal put on immortality [4723] .'

7. Now this did not come to pass putatively, as some have supposed: far be the thought: but the Saviour having in very truth become Man, the salvation of the whole man was brought about. For if the Word were in the Body putatively, as they say, and by putative is meant imaginary, it follows that both the salvation and the resurrection of man is apparent only, as the most impious Manichæus held. But truly our salvation is not merely apparent, nor does it extend to the body only, but the whole man, body and soul alike, has truly obtained salvation in the Word Himself. That then which was born of Mary was according to the divine Scriptures human by nature, and the Body of the Lord was a true one; but it was this, because it was the same as our body, for Mary was our sister inasmuch as we all are from Adam. And no one can doubt of this when he remembers what Luke wrote. For after He had risen from the dead, when some thought that they did not see the Lord in the body derived from Mary, but were beholding a spirit instead, He said, See My hands and My feet, and the prints of the nails, that it is I Myself: handle Me and see; for a spirit hath not flesh and bones as ye see Me to have. And when He had said thus, He shewed them His hands and His feet [4724] .' Whence they can be refuted who have ventured to say that the Lord was transformed into flesh and bones. For He did not say, As ye see Me to be flesh and bone,' but as ye see Me to have,' in order that it might not be thought that the Word Himself was changed into these things, but that He might be believed to have them after His resurrection as well as before His death.

8. These things being thus demonstrated, it is superfluous to touch upon the other points, or to enter upon any discussion relating to them, since the body in which the Word was is not coessential with the Godhead, but was truly born of Mary, while the Word Himself was not changed into bones and flesh, but came in the flesh. For what John said, The Word was made flesh [4725] ,' has this meaning, as we may see by a similar passage; for it is written in Paul: Christ has become a curse for us [4726] .' And just as He has not Himself become a curse, but is said to have done so because He took upon Him the curse on our behalf, so also He has become flesh not by being changed into flesh, but because He assumed on our behalf living flesh, and has become Man. For to say the Word became flesh,' is equivalent to saying the Word has become man;' according to what is said in Joel: I will pour forth of My Spirit upon all flesh [4727] ;' for the promise did not extend to the irrational animals, but is for men, on whose account the Lord is become Man. As then this is the sense of the above text, they all will reasonably condemn themselves who have thought that the flesh derived from Mary existed before her, and that the Word, prior to her, had a human soul, and existed in it always even before His coming. And they too will cease who have said that the Flesh was not accessible to death, but belonged to the immortal Nature. For if it did not die, how could Paul deliver to the Corinthians that Christ died for our sins, according to the Scriptures [4728] ,' or how did He rise at all if He did not also die? Again, they will blush deeply who have even entertained the possibility of a Tetrad instead of a Triad resulting, if it were said that the Body was derived from Mary. For if (they argue) we say the Body is of one Essence with the Word, the Triad remains a Triad; for then the Word imports no foreign element into it; but if we admit that the Body derived from Mary is human, it follows, since the Body is foreign in Essence, and the Word is in it, that the addition of the Body causes a Tetrad instead of a Triad.

9. When they argue thus, they fail to perceive the contradiction in which they involve themselves. For even though they say that the Body is not from Mary, but is coessential with the Word, yet none the less (the very point they dissemble, to avoid being credited with their real opinion) this on their own premises can be proved to involve a Tetrad. For as the Son, according to the Fathers, is coessential with the Father, but is not the Father Himself, but is called coessential, as Son with Father, so the Body, which they call coessential with the Word, is not the Word Himself, but a distinct entity. But if so, on their own shewing, their Triad will be a Tetrad [4729] . For the true, really perfect and indivisible Triad is not accessible to addition as is the Triad imagined by these persons. And how do these remain Christians who imagine another God in addition to the true one? For, once again, in their other fallacy one can see how great is their folly. For if they think because it is contained and stated in the Scriptures, that the Body of the Saviour is human and derived from Mary, that a Tetrad is substituted for a Triad, as though the Body created an addition, they go very far wrong, so much so as to make the creature equal to the Creator, and suppose that the Godhead can receive an addition. And they have failed to perceive that the Word is become Flesh, not by reason of an addition to the Godhead, but in order that the flesh may rise again. Nor did the Word proceed from Mary that He might be bettered, but that He might ransom the human race. How then can they think that the Body, ransomed and quickened by the Word, made an addition in respect of Godhead to the Word that had quickened it? For on the contrary, a great addition has accrued to the human Body itself from the fellowship and union of the Word with it. For instead of mortal it is become immortal; and, though an animal [4730] body, it is become spiritual, and though made from earth it entered the heavenly gates. The Triad, then, although the Word took a body from Mary, is a Triad, being inaccessible to addition or diminution; but it is always perfect, and in the Triad one Godhead is recognised, and so in the Church one God is preached, the Father of the Word.

10. For this reason they also will henceforth keep silence, who once said that He who proceeded from Mary is not very Christ, or Lord, or God. For if He were not God in the Body, how came He, upon proceeding from Mary, straightway to be called Emmanuel, which is being interpreted God with us [4731] ?' Why again, if the Word was not in the flesh, did Paul write to the Romans of whom is Christ after the flesh, Who is above all God blessed for ever. Amen [4732] ?' Let them therefore confess, even they who previously denied that the Crucified was God, that they have erred; for the divine Scriptures bid them, and especially Thomas, who, after seeing upon Him the print of the nails, cried out My Lord and my God [4733] !' For the Son, being God, and Lord of glory [4734] , was in the Body which was ingloriously nailed and dishonoured; but the Body, while it suffered, being pierced on the tree, and water and blood flowed from its side, yet because it was a temple of the Word was filled full of the Godhead. For this reason it was that the sun, seeing its creator suffering in His outraged body, withdrew its rays and darkened the earth. But the body itself being of mortal nature, beyond its own nature rose again by reason of the Word which was in it; and it has ceased from natural corruption, and, having put on the Word which is above man, has become incorruptible.

11. But with regard to the imagination of some, who say that the Word came upon one particular man, the Son of Mary, just as it came upon each of the Prophets, it is superfluous to discuss it, since their madness carries its own condemnation manifestly with it. For if He came thus, why was that man born of a virgin, and not like others of a man and woman? For in this way each of the saints also was begotten. Or why, if the Word came thus, is not the death of each one said to have taken place on our behalf, but only this man's death? Or why, if the Word sojourned among us in the case of each one of the prophets, is it said only in the case of Him born of Mary that He sojourned here once at the consummation of the ages [4735] ?' Or why, if He came as He had come in the saints of former times, did the Son of Mary alone, while all the rest had died without rising as yet, rise again on the third day? Or why, if the Word had come in like manner as He had done in the other cases, is the Son of Mary alone called Emmanuel, as though a Body filled full of the Godhead were born of her? For Emmanuel is interpreted God with us.' Or why, if He came thus, is it not said that when each of the saints ate, drank, laboured, and died, that He (the Word) ate, drank, laboured, and died, but only in the case of the Son of Mary. For what that Body suffered is said to have been suffered by the Word. And while we are merely told of the others that they were born, and begotten, it is said in the case of the Son of Mary alone that The Word was made Flesh.'

12. This proves that while to all the others the Word came, in order that they might prophesy, from Mary the Word Himself took flesh, and proceeded forth as man; being by nature and essence the Word of God, but after the flesh man of the seed of David, and made of the flesh of Mary, as Paul said [4736] . Him the Father pointed out both in Jordan and on the Mount, saying, This is My beloved Son in whom I am well pleased [4737] .' Him the Arians denied, but we recognising worship, not dividing the Son and the Word, but knowing that the Son is the Word Himself, by Whom all things are made, and by Whom we were redeemed. And for this reason we wonder how any contention at all has arisen among you about things so clear. But thanks to the Lord, much as we were grieved at reading your memoranda, we were equally glad at their conclusion. For they departed with concord, and peacefully agreed in the confession of the pious and orthodox faith. This fact has induced me, after much previous consideration, to write these few words; for I am anxious lest by my silence this matter should cause pain rather than joy to those whose concord occasions joy to ourselves. I therefore ask your piety in the first place, and secondly those who hear, to take my letter in good part, and if anything is lacking in it in respect of piety, to set that right, and inform me. But if it is written, as from one unpractised in speech, below the subject and imperfectly, let all allow for my feebleness in speaking. Greet all the brethren with you. All those with us greet you; may you live in good health in the Lord, beloved and truly longed for. __________________________________________________________________

[4700] Of Epictetus, bishop of Corinth, nothing else is known. This letter reflects the uncertainty, which attended the victory of the Nicene Creed, as to the relation of the Historical Christ to the Eternal Son. The questions raised at Corinth were those which troubled the Eastern Church generally, and which came to a head in the system of Apollinarius, whose distinctive tenet, however, is not mentioned in this letter. Persons anxious to place the Nicene doctrine in intelligible connection with the matter of the Gospel Narrative had debated the question before Epictetus, and with deference to his ruling. Their tentative solutions (§2 infr.) fall into two classes, both of which, in attempting to solve the problem, proceed upon the assumption incidentally combated by Athan., that the Manhood of Christ was a Hypostasis or Person, which if invested with Divine attributes, would introduce a fourth hypostatic entity into the Trinity. To avoid this, one class identified the Logos and the Anthropos, either by assuming that the Logos was changed into flesh, or that the flesh was itself non-natural and of the Divine Essence. The other class excluded the Man Jesus from the Trinity, explaining His relation to God on the lines of Photinus or the later Nestorians. Both alternatives are already glanced at (supr. p. 485) by the Council of 362. In the present case, both classes of suggestions seem to have been made tentatively and bona fide (§12). The letter must have been written before the two books against Apollinarianism, which (if genuine) fall about 372. Its more exact date depends on the identification of the Councils referred to in §1 (nun genomenon), and is therefore very doubtful. At any rate Apollinarianism proper is not alluded to, and Apollinarius is said to have expressed to Serapion of Thmuis his high opinion of our Letter (see Letter 54, note 1). It was much quoted in the Christological controversies of the next 80 years, e.g. by the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, by Theodoret, Cyril, and Leo the Great (see Migne xxvi. 1050; Bright, Later Treatises, pp. 43 sq., and D.C.B. s.v. Epictetus and Apollinaris the younger).

[4701] Are these those referred to in the letter to Ruf., and held a.d. 362-3, or are they to be identified with one or other of those held under Damasus (see Introd. to ad Afros.)?

[4702] Ps. cxv. 4.

[4703] Hab. ii. 15, LXX.

[4704] Isa. ii. 3; Mic. iv. 2.

[4705] Rom. i. 3.

[4706] This opinion seems to belong to that next to be mentioned, the two, however, are separately dealt with below, cc. 10 and 11.

[4707] Rom. i. 30.

[4708] heteron pros heteron semainete

[4709] Letter 61, §3.

[4710] Heb. ii. 16.

[4711] Heb. ii. 16.

[4712] Isa. vii. 14.

[4713] Luke i. 27.

[4714] Ib. xi. 27.

[4715] Ib. ii. 23.

[4716] Mal. iii. 6.

[4717] Heb. xiii. 8.

[4718] 1 Pet. iii. 19.

[4719] Mark xv. 46.

[4720] John xviii. 23.

[4721] Isa. l. 6.

[4722] 2 Pet. i. 4, above, p. 65, note 5.

[4723] 1 Cor. xv. 53.

[4724] Luke xxiv. 39.

[4725] Joh. i. 14.

[4726] Gal. iii. 13.

[4727] Joel ii. 28.

[4728] 1 Cor. xv. 3.

[4729] The argument rests on the principle that the Trinity is a trinity of Persons, not of Essences: the opponents implicitly tax the Nicene doctrine with the consequence that if truly man, Christ is a distinct Personality from the Son.

[4730] psuchikon.

[4731] Matt. i. 23.

[4732] Rom. ix. 5.

[4733] John xx. 28.

[4734] 1 Cor. ii. 8.

[4735] Heb. ix. 26.

[4736] Cf. Rom. i. 3; Gal. iv. 4.

[4737] Matt. iii. 17, and xvii. 5. __________________________________________________________________

Letter LX.--To Adelphius [4738] , Bishop and Confessor: against the

Letter LX.--To Adelphius [4738] , Bishop and Confessor: against the Arians.

We have read what your piety has written to us, and genuinely approve your piety toward Christ. And above all we glorify God, Who has given you such grace as not only to have right opinions, but also, so far as that is possible, not to be ignorant of the devices [4739] of the devil. But we marvel at the perversity of the heretics, seeing that they have fallen into such a pit of impiety that they no longer retain even their senses, but have their understanding corrupted on all sides. But this attempt is a plot of the devil, and an imitation of the disobedient Jews. For as the latter, when refuted on all sides, kept devising excuses to their own hurt, if only they could deny the Lord and bring upon themselves what was prophesied against them, in like manner these men, seeing themselves proscribed on all hands, and perceiving that their heresy has become abominable to all, prove themselves inventors of evil things [4740] ,' in order that, not ceasing their fightings against the truth, they may remain consistent and genuine adversaries of Christ. For whence has this new mischief of theirs sprung forth? How have they even ventured to utter this new blasphemy against the Saviour? But the impious man, it seems, is a worthless object, and truly reprobate concerning the Faith [4741] .' For formerly, while denying the Godhead of the only-begotten Son of God, they pretended at any rate to acknowledge His coming in the Flesh. But now, gradually going from bad to worse, they have fallen from this opinion of theirs, and become Godless on all hands, so as neither to acknowledge Him as God, nor to believe that He has become man. For if they believed this they would not have uttered such things as your piety has reported against them.

2. You, however, beloved and most truly longed-for, have done what befitted the tradition of the Church and your piety toward the Lord, in refuting, admonishing, and rebuking such men. But since, instigated by their father the devil, they knew not nor understood,' as it is written, but go on still in darkness [4742] ,' let them learn from your piety that this error of theirs belongs to Valentinus and Marcion, and to Manichæus, of whom some substituted [the idea of] Appearance for Reality, while the others, dividing what is indivisible, denied the truth that the Word was made Flesh, and dwelt among us [4743] .' Why then, as they hold with those people, do they not also take up the heritage of their names? For it is reasonable, as they hold their error, to have their names as well, and for the future to be called Valentinians, Marcionists, and Manichæans. Perhaps even thus, being put to shame by the ill savour of the names, they may be enabled to perceive into what a depth of impiety they have fallen. And it would be within our rights not to answer them at all, according to the apostolic advice [4744] : A man that is heretical, after a first and second admonition refuse, knowing that such an one is perverted, and sinneth, being self-condemned;' the more so, in that the Prophet says about such men: The fool shall utter foolishness, and his heart shall imagine vain things [4745] .' But since, like their leader, they too go about like lions seeking whom among the simple they shall devour [4746] , we are compelled to write in reply to your piety, that the brethren being once again instructed by your admonition may still further reprobate the vain teaching of those men.

3. We do not worship a creature. Far be the thought. For such an error belongs to heathens and Arians. But we worship the Lord of Creation, Incarnate, the Word of God. For if the flesh also is in itself a part of the created world, yet it has become God's body. And we neither divide the body, being such, from the Word, and worship it by itself [4747] , nor when we wish to worship the Word do we set Him far apart from the Flesh, but knowing, as we said above, that the Word was made flesh,' we recognise Him as God also, after having come in the flesh. Who, accordingly, is so senseless as to say to the Lord: Leave the Body that I may worship Thee;' or so impious as to join the senseless Jews in saying, on account of the Body, Why dost Thou, being a man, make Thyself God [4748] ?' But the leper was not one of this sort, for he worshipped God in the Body, and recognised that He was God, saying, Lord, if Thou wilt Thou canst make me clean [4749] .' Neither by reason of the Flesh did he think the Word of God a creature: nor because the Word was the maker of all creation did he despise the Flesh which He had put on. But he worshipped the Creator of the universe as dwelling in a created temple, and was cleansed. So also the woman with an issue of blood, who believed, and only touched the hem of His garment, was healed [4750] , and the sea with its foaming waves heard the incarnate Word, and ceased its storm [4751] , while the man blind from birth was healed by the fleshly spitting of the Word [4752] . And, what is greater and more startling (for perhaps this even offended those most impious men), even when the Lord was hanging upon the actual cross (for it was His Body and the Word was in it), the sun was darkened and the earth shook, the rocks were rent, and the vail of the temple rent, and many bodies of the saints which slept arose.

4. These things then happened, and no one doubted, as the Arians now venture to doubt, whether one is to believe the incarnate Word; but even from beholding the man, they recognised that He was their maker, and when they heard a human voice, they did not, because it was human, say that the Word was a creature. On the contrary, they trembled, and recognised nothing less than that it was being uttered from a holy Temple. How then can the impious fail to fear lest as they refused to have God in their knowledge, they may be given up to a reprobate mind, to do those things which are not fitting [4753] ?' For Creation does not worship a creature. Nor again did she on account of His Flesh refuse to worship her Lord. But she beheld her maker in the Body, and in the Name of Jesus every knee' bowed, yea and shall bow, of things in heaven and things on earth and things under the earth, and every tongue shall confess,' whether the Arians approve or no, that Jesus is Lord, to the Glory of God the Father [4754] .' For the Flesh did not diminish the glory of the Word; far be the thought: on the contrary, it was glorified by Him. Nor, because the Son that was in the form of God took upon Him the form of a servant [4755] was He deprived of His Godhead. On the contrary, He is thus become the Deliverer of all flesh and of all creation. And if God sent His Son brought forth from a woman, the fact causes us no shame but contrariwise glory and great grace. For He has become Man, that He might deify us in Himself, and He has been born of a woman, and begotten of a Virgin, in order to transfer to Himself our erring generation [4756] , and that we may become henceforth a holy race, and partakers of the Divine Nature,' as blessed Peter wrote [4757] . And what the law could not do in that it was weak through the flesh, God sending His own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh, and for sin, condemned sin in the flesh [4758] .'

5. Seeing then that Flesh was taken by the Word to deliver all men, raise all from the dead, and make redemption for sins, must not they appear ungrateful, and be worthy of all hatred, who make light of the Flesh, as well as those who on account of it charge the Son of God with being a thing created or made? For they as good as cry to God and say: Send not Thine Only-begotten Son in the Flesh, cause Him not to take flesh of a virgin, lest He redeem us from death and sin. We do not wish Him to come in the body, lest He should undergo death on our behalf: we do not desire the Word to be made flesh, lest in it He should become our Mediator to gain access to thee, and we so inhabit the heavenly mansions. Let the gates of the heavens be shut lest Thy Word consecrate for us the road thither through the veil, namely His Flesh [4759] .' These are their utterances, vented with diabolical daring, by the error they have devised. For they who do not wish to worship the Word made flesh, are ungrateful for His becoming man. And they who divide the Word from the Flesh do not hold that one redemption from sin has taken place, or one destruction of death. But where at all will these impious men find the Flesh which the Saviour took, apart from Him, that they should even venture to say we do not worship the Lord with the Flesh, but we separate the Body, and worship Him alone.' Why, the blessed Stephen saw in the heavens the Lord standing on [God's] right hand [4760] , while the Angels said to the disciples, He shall so come in like manner as ye beheld Him going into heaven [4761] :' and the Lord Himself says, addressing the Father, I will that where I am, they also may be with Me [4762] .' And surely if the Flesh is inseparable from the Word, does it not follow that these men must either lay aside their error, and for the future worship the Father in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, or, if they do not worship or serve the Word Who came in the Flesh, be cast out on all sides, and count no longer as Christians but either as heathens, or among the Jews.

6. Such then, as we have above described, is the madness and daring of those men. But our faith is right, and starts from the teaching of the Apostles and tradition of the fathers, being confirmed both by the New Testament and the Old. For the Prophets say: Send out Thy Word and Thy Truth [4763] ,' and Behold the Virgin shall conceive and bear a son, and they shall call His name Emmanuel, which is being interpreted God with us [4764] .' But what does that mean, if not that God has come in the Flesh? While the Apostolic tradition teaches in the words of blessed Peter, Forasmuch then as Christ suffered for us in the Flesh;' and in what Paul writes, Looking for the blessed hope and appearing of our great God and Saviour Jesus Christ, Who gave Himself for us that He might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify unto Himself a people for His own possession, and zealous of good works [4765] .' How then has He given Himself, if He had not worn flesh? For flesh He offered, and gave Himself for us, in order that undergoing death in it, He might bring to nought him that had the power of death, that is, the devil [4766] .' Hence also we always give thanks in the name of Jesus Christ, and we do not set at nought the grace which came to us through Him. For the coming of the Saviour in the flesh has been the ransom and salvation of all creation. So then, beloved and most longed-for, let what I have said put in mind those who love the Lord, while as to those who have imitated the behaviour of Judas, and deserted the Lord to join Caiaphas, let them by these things be taught better, if maybe they are willing, if maybe they are ashamed. And let them know that in worshipping the Lord in the flesh we do not worship a creature, but, as we said above, the Creator Who has put on the created body.

7. But we should like your piety to ask them this. When Israel was ordered to go up to Jerusalem to worship at the temple of the Lord, where was the ark, and above it the Cherubim of glory overshadowing the Mercy-seat [4767] ,' did they do well or the opposite? If they did ill, how came it that they who despised this law were liable to punishment? for it is written that if a man make light of it and go not up, he shall perish from among the people [4768] . But if they did well, and in this proved well-pleasing to God, are not the Arians, abominable and most shameful of any heresy, many times worthy of destruction, in that while they approve the former People for the honour paid by them to the Temple, they will not worship the Lord Who is in the flesh as in a temple? And yet the former temple was constructed of stones and gold, as a shadow. But when the reality came, the type ceased from thenceforth, and there did not remain, according to the Lord's utterance, one stone upon another that was not broken down [4769] . And they did not, when they saw the temple of stones, suppose that the Lord who spoke in the temple was a creature; nor did they set the Temple at nought and retire far off to worship. But they came to it according to the Law, and worshipped the God who uttered His oracles from the Temple. Since then this was so, how can it be other than right to worship the Body of the Lord, all-holy and all-reverend as it is, announced as it was by the archangel Gabriel, formed by the Holy Spirit, and made the Vesture of the Word? It was at any rate a bodily hand that the Word stretched out to raise her that was sick of a fever [4770] : a human voice that He uttered to raise Lazarus from the dead [4771] ; and, once again, stretching out His hands upon the Cross, He overthrew the prince of the power of the air, that now works [4772] in the sons of disobedience, and made the way clear for us into the heavens.

8. Therefore he that dishonours the Temple dishonours the Lord in the Temple; and he that separates the Word from the Body sets at nought the grace given to us in Him. And let not the most impious Arian madmen suppose that, since the Body is created, the Word also is a creature, nor let them, because the Word is not a creature, disparage His Body. For their error is matter for wonder, in that they at once confuse and disturb everything, and devise pretexts only in order to number the Creator among the creatures.

But let them listen. If the Word were a creature, He would not assume the created body to quicken it. For what help can creatures derive from a creature that itself needs salvation? But since the Word being Creator has Himself made the creatures, therefore also at the consummation of the ages [4773] He put on the creature, that He as creator might once more consecrate it, and be able to recover it. But a creature could never be saved by a creature, any more than the creatures were created by a creature, if the Word was not creator. Accordingly let them not lie against the divine Scriptures nor give offence to simple brethren; but if they are willing let them change their mind in their turn, and no longer worship the creature instead of God, Who made all things. But if they wish to abide by their impieties, let them alone take their fill of them, and let them gnash their teeth like their father the devil, because the Faith of the Catholic Church knows that the Word of God is creator and maker of all things; and we know that while in the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God [4774] ,' now that He has become also man for our salvation we worship Him, not as though He had come in the body equalising Himself with it, but as Master, assuming the form of the servant, and Maker and Creator coming in a creature in order that, in it delivering all things, He might bring the world nigh to the Father, and make all things to be at peace, things in heaven and things on the earth. For thus also we recognise His Godhead, even the Father's, and worship His Incarnate Presence, even if the Arian madmen burst themselves in sunder.

Greet all that love the Lord Jesus Christ. We pray that you may be well, and remember us to the Lord, beloved and truly most longed-for. If need be this is to be read to Hieracas [4775] the presbyter. __________________________________________________________________

[4738] Adelphius is named in the Tome' (above, p. 486), as bishop of Onuphis. Previously he had been exiled by the Arians to the Thebaid (above, pp. 297, &c.). Hence in the title of this letter he is styled Confessor.' The letter (Migne xxvi, 1072) is directed against the Arian Christology. Although Ath. treats it (§1) as a new blasphemy,' it had been held by the Arians from the first; Epiph. Anc. 33, traces it back to Lucian; but doubtless it had by this time been brought more to the front in their teaching. We know that it occupied a prominent place in the Eunomian system. (References in Dorner III. i. 3.) After briefly refuting the doctrinal error, Athanasius turns to the Arian charge of creature-worship brought against the Nicene doctrine. Not forgetting to remind them that their own doctrine was really open to this charge, Ath. points out at greater length that the object of Catholic worship is not the human nature of Christ as such, but the Word Incarnate; and that the human Saviour is worshipped because He is the Word Himself. The date proposed by Montfaucon is adopted, though there is nothing to fix it absolutely. Its style closely resembles that of the writings of the third Exile.' (See also Bright, Later Tr., p. 61.)

[4739] 2 Cor. ii. 11.

[4740] Rom. i. 30.

[4741] 2 Tim. iii. 8.

[4742] Ps. lxxxii. 5.

[4743] John i. 14.

[4744] Tit. iii. 10, 11.

[4745] Isa. xxxii. 6, LXX.

[4746] 1 Pet. v. 8.

[4747] As some modern devotions at least tend to do.

[4748] John x. 33.

[4749] Matt. viii. 2.

[4750] Matt. ix. 20.

[4751] Ib. viii. 26.

[4752] John ix. 6.

[4753] Rom. i. 28.

[4754] Phil. ii. 10, 11.

[4755] Ib. vv. 6, 7.

[4756] planetheisan gennesin.

[4757] 2 Pet. i. 4.

[4758] Rom. viii. 3.

[4759] Heb. x. 20.

[4760] Acts vii. 55.

[4761] Ib. i. 11.

[4762] John xvii. 24.

[4763] Ps. xliii. 3.

[4764] Matt. i. 23, and Isa. vii. 14.

[4765] Tit. ii. 13, 14.

[4766] Heb. ii. 14.

[4767] Heb. ix. 5.

[4768] Cf. Lev. xvii. 9; Num. ix. 13.

[4769] Matt. xxiv. 2.

[4770] Mark i. 31.

[4771] Joh. xi. 43.

[4772] Eph. ii. 2. Athan. here omits the tou pneumatos, thus increasing the difficulty of the gen. particp.

[4773] Heb. ix. 26.

[4774] John i. 1.

[4775] Perhaps the Hierax' of pp. 257, 297, 560, above. __________________________________________________________________

Letter LXI.--Letter to Maximus. (Written about 371 a.d.)

To our beloved and most truly longed-for son, Maximus [4776] , philosopher, Athanasius greeting in the Lord.

Having read the letter now come from you, I approve your piety: but, marvelling at the rashness of those who understand neither what they say nor whereof they confidently affirm [4777] ,' I had really decided to say nothing. For to reply upon matters which are so plain and which are clearer than light, is simply to give an excuse for shamelessness to such lawless men. And this we have learned from the Saviour. For when Pilate had washed his hands, and acquiesced in the false accusation of the Jews of that day, the Lord answered him no more, but rather warned his wife in a dream, so that He that was being judged might be believed to be God not in word, but in power. While after vouchsafing Caiaphas no reply to his folly, He Himself by his promise [4778] brought all over to knowledge. Accordingly for some time I delayed, and have reluctantly yielded to your zeal for the truth, in view of the argumentativeness of men without shame. And I have dictated nothing beyond what your letter contains, in order that the adversary may from henceforth be convinced on the points to which he has objected, and may keep his tongue from evil and his lips that they speak no guile [4779] .' And would that they would no longer join the Jews who passed by of old in reproaching Him that hung upon the Tree: If thou be the Son of God save Thyself [4780] .' But if even after this they will not give in, yet do you remember the apostolic injunction, and a man that is heretical after a first and second admonition refuse, knowing that such an one is perverted and sinneth being self-condemned [4781] .' For if they are Gentiles, or of the Judaisers, who are thus daring, let them, as Jews, think the Cross of Christ a stumbling-block, or as Gentiles, foolishness [4782] . But if they pretend to be Christians let them learn that the crucified Christ is at once Lord of Glory, and the Power of God and Wisdom of God [4783] .

2. But if they are in doubt whether He is God at all, let them reverence Thomas, who handled the Crucified and pronounced Him Lord and God [4784] . Or let them fear the Lord Himself, who said, after washing the feet of the disciples: Ye call Me Lord and Master [4785] , and ye say well, for so I am.' But in the same body in which He was when he washed their feet, He also carried up our sins to the Tree [4786] . And He was witnessed to as Master of Creation, in that the Sun withdrew his beams and the earth trembled and the rocks were rent, and the executioners recognised that the Crucified was truly Son of God. For the Body they beheld was not that of some man, but of God, being in which, even when being crucified, He raised the dead. Accordingly it is no good venture of theirs to say that the Word of God came into a certain holy man; for this was true of each of the prophets and of the other saints, and on that assumption He would clearly be born and die in the case of each one of them. But this is not so, far be the thought. But once for all at the consummation of the ages [4787] , to put away sin' the Word was made flesh [4788] ' and proceeded forth from Mary the Virgin, Man after our likeness, as also He said to the Jews, Wherefore seek ye to kill Me, a man that hath told you the truth [4789] ?' And we are deified not by partaking of the body of some man, but by receiving the Body of the Word Himself.

3. And at this also I am much surprised, how they have ventured to entertain such an idea as that the Word became man in consequence of His Nature. For if this were so, the commemoration of Mary would be superfluous. [4790] For neither does Nature know of a Virgin bearing apart from a man. Whence by the good pleasure of the Father, being true God, and Word and Wisdom of the Father by nature, He became man in the body for our salvation, in order that having somewhat to offer [4791] for us He might save us all, as many as through fear of death were all their life-time subject to bondage. [4792] ' For it was not some man that gave Himself up for us; since every man is under sentence of death, according to what was said to all in Adam, earth thou art and unto earth thou shalt return. [4793] ' Nor yet was it any other of the creatures, since every creature is liable to change. But the Word Himself offered His own Body on our behalf that our faith and hope might not be in man, but that we might have our faith in God the Word Himself. Why, even now that He is become man we behold His Glory, glory as of one only-begotten of His Father--full of grace and truth. [4794] ' For what He endured by means of the Body, He magnified as God. And while He hungered in the flesh, as God He fed the hungry. And if anyone is offended by reason of the bodily conditions, let him believe by reason of what God works. For humanly He enquires where Lazarus is laid, but raises him up divinely. Let none then laugh, calling Him a child, and citing His age, His growth, His eating, drinking and suffering, lest while denying what is proper for the body, he deny utterly also His sojourn among us. And just as He has not become Man in consequence of His nature, in like manner it was consistent that when He had taken a body He should exhibit what was proper to it, lest the imaginary theory of Manichæus should prevail. Again it was consistent that when He went about in the body, He should not hide what belonged to the Godhead, lest he of Samosata should find an excuse to call Him man, as distinct in person from God the Word.

4. Let then the unbelievers perceive this, and learn that while as a Babe He lay in a manger, He subjected the Magi and was worshipped by them; and while as a Child He came down to Egypt, He brought to nought the hand-made objects of its idolatry [4795] : and crucified in the flesh, He raised the dead long since turned to corruption. And it has been made plain to all that not for His own sake but for ours He underwent all things, that we by His sufferings might put on freedom from suffering and incorruption [4796] , and abide unto life eternal.

5. This then I have concisely dictated, following, as I said above, the lines of your own letter, without working out any point any further but only mentioning what relates to the Holy Cross, in order that the despisers may be taught better upon the points where they were offended, and may worship the Crucified. But do you thoroughly persuade the unbelievers; perhaps somehow they may come from ignorance to knowledge, and believe aright. And even though what your own letter contains is sufficient, yet it is as well to have added what I have for the sake of reminder in view of contentious persons; not so much in order that being refuted in their venturesome statements they may be put to shame, as that being reminded they may not forget the truth. For let what was confessed by the Fathers at Nicæa prevail. For it is correct, and enough to overthrow every heresy however impious, and especially that of the Arians which speaks against the Word of God, and as a logical consequence profanes His Holy Spirit. Greet all who hold aright. All that are with us greet you. __________________________________________________________________

[4776] Maximus, probably the Cynic philosopher who plays so strange and grotesque a part in the history of S. Gregory Nazianzen's tenure of the see of Constantinople (the identification is questioned by Bright, p. 72, but without very cogent reasons), was the son of Alexandrian parents, persons of high social standing, who had suffered much for the Faith. He himself was an ardent opponent of Arianism and heathenism, and was banished under Valens (further particulars in Dict. Gr. and Rom. Biogr. s.v. Maximus Alexandrinus). The present letter compliments him on his success in refuting heretics, some of whom advocated the Arian Christology; others the doctrine of Paul of Samosata and Photinus. The Epistle has much in common with those to Epictetus and Adelphius; Montfaucon's date for it is adopted. (See Migne xxvi. 1085; Bright, Lat. Tr., p. 72.)

[4777] 1 Tim. i. 7.

[4778] Mark xv. 5; Matt. xxvi. 64; xxvii. 19

[4779] Ps. xxxiv. 13.

[4780] Matt. xxvii. 40; Luke xxviii. 37.

[4781] Tit. iii. 10, 11.

[4782] 1 Cor. i. 23.

[4783] Cf. 1 Cor. i. 24, and ii. 8.

[4784] John xx. 28.

[4785] Ath. quotes John xiii. 13 in this, the order of several mss. and later fathers, both here and elsewhere.

[4786] 1 Pet. ii. 24.

[4787] Heb. ix. 26.

[4788] John i. 14.

[4789] Ib. viii. 40.

[4790] Cf. Ad Epict. 5 (supr. p. 572.)

[4791] Cf. Heb. viii. 3

[4792] Ib. ii. 15.

[4793] Gen. iii. 19, LXX.

[4794] John i. 14 b.

[4795] Cf. de Incarn. 36. 4.

[4796] Cf. 1 Cor. xv. 53. __________________________________________________________________

Letter LXII.--To John and Antiochus. [4797]

Athanasius to John and Antiochus, our beloved sons and fellow-presbyters in the Lord, greeting.

I was glad to receive your letter just now, the more so as you wrote from Jerusalem. I thank you for informing me about the brethren that there assembled, and about those who wish, on account of disputed points, to disturb the simple. But about these things let the Apostle charge them not to give heed to those who contend about words, and seek nothing else than to tell and hear some new thing [4798] . But do you, having your foundation sure, even Jesus Christ our Lord, and the confession of the fathers concerning the faith, avoid those who wish to say anything more or less than that, and rather aim at the profit of the brethren, that they may fear God and keep His commandments, in order that both by the teaching of the fathers, and by the keeping of the commandments, they may be able to appear well-pleasing to the Lord in the day of judgment. But I have been utterly astonished at the boldness of those who venture to speak against our beloved Basil the bishop, a true servant of God. For from such vain talk they can be convicted of not loving even the confession of the fathers.

Greet the brethren. They that are with me greet you. I pray that ye may be well in the Lord, beloved and much-desired sons. __________________________________________________________________

[4797] Of John and Antiochus nothing is known, unless the latter is the later bishop of Ptolemais and enemy of Chrysostom. Both men seem to belong to the class of well-meaning mischief-makers, given to retailing invidious stories. Hence the polite reserve of our little note (Migne xxvi. 115, and its laconic dismissal of the gossip about Basil, the new bishop of the Cappadocian Cæsarea (supr. p. 449). The main interest of this and the following letter, which seem to date from the winter 371-372, consists in the testimony of the high esteem of Athanasius for Basil, as well as his indifference to words where no essential principle was involved. The two recipients of this letter either lived or were visitors at Jerusalem. On Basil's difficulties at this time, see D.C.B. i. 288 a, 293, and on his relations with Athan., cf. Prolegg. ch. ii. §10.

[4798] 2 Tim. ii. 14; Acts xvii. 21. __________________________________________________________________

Letter LXIII.--Letter to the Presbyter Palladius [4799] .

To our beloved son Palladius, presbyter, Athanasius the Bishop greeting in the Lord.

I was glad to receive also the letter written by you alone, the more so that you breathe orthodoxy in it, as is your wont. And having learnt not for the first time, but long ago, the reason of your staying at present with our beloved Innocent [4800] , I am pleased with your piety. Since then you are acting as you are, write and let me know how are the brethren there, and what the enemies of the truth think about us. But whereas you have also told me of the monks at Cæsarea, and I have learned from our beloved Dianius [4801] that they are vexed, and are opposing our beloved bishop Basil, I am glad you have informed me, and I have pointed out [4802] to them what is fitting, namely that as children they should obey their father, and not oppose what he approves. For if he were suspected as touching the truth, they would do well to combat him. But if they are confident, as we all are, that he is a glory to the Church, contending rather on behalf of the truth and teaching those who require it, it is not right to combat such an one, but rather to accept with thanks his good conscience. For from what the beloved Dianius has related, they appear to be vexed without cause. For he, as I am confident, to the weak becomes weak to gain the weak [4803] . But let our beloved friends look at the scope of his truth, and at his special purpose [4804] , and glorify the Lord Who has given such a bishop to Cappadocia as any district must pray to have. And do you, beloved, be good enough to point out to them the duty of obeying, as I write. For this is at once calculated to render them well disposed toward their father, and will preserve peace to the churches. I pray that you may be well in the Lord, beloved son. __________________________________________________________________

[4799] On the general subject and date of this letter see note 1 to Letter 62. Of Palladius, who is clearly a resident at Cæsarea, nothing further is known. The tone of this letter is more confiding than that of the previous one. (Migne ib. 1167.)

[4800] Perhaps a bishop in the neighbourhood of Cæsarea. See D.C.B. s.v. Innocentius (4).

[4801] Namesake of a predecessor of Basil, otherwise unknown.

[4802] The letter here referred to is lost. The monks in question had raised a cry against Basil on account of the reserve with which he spoke of the Divine Personality of the Holy Spirit. (See supr. p. 481.)

[4803] 1 Cor. ix. 22.

[4804] oikonomian __________________________________________________________________

Letter LXIV.--To Diodorus (fragment).

To my lord, son, and most beloved fellow-minister Diodorus [bishop of Tyre] [4805] , Athanasius greeting in the Lord.

I thank my Lord, Who is everywhere establishing His doctrine, and chiefly so by means of His own sons, such as actual fact shews you to be. For before your Reverence wrote, we knew how great grace has been brought to pass in Tyre by means of your perseverance. And we rejoice with you that by your means Tyre also has learned the right word of piety. And I indeed took an opportunity of writing to you, longed-for and beloved: but I marvel at your not having replied to my letter. Be not then slow to write at once, knowing that you give me refreshment, as a son to his father, and make me exceeding glad, as a herald of truth. And enter upon no controversy with the heretics, but overcome their argumentativeness with silence, their ill-will with courtesy. For thus your speech shall be with grace, seasoned with salt [4806] ,' while they [will be judged] by the conscience of all.... __________________________________________________________________

[4805] This fragment (Migne xxvi. 1261) is given by Facundus, Def. Tr. Cap. iv. 2, who claims it as addressed to Diodorus of Tarsus, the famous Antiochene confessor and master of Chrysostom and Theodore. Unfortunately this is impossible, as Diodore became bishop of Tarsus not before 378, i.e. after Athan. was dead. The letter itself decides for Diodorus of Tyre, whom Paulinus of Antioch had quite unwarrantably ordained to this see (cf. Rufin, H. E. ii. 21). Whether (as has been held on the authority of Rufinus) Diodorus, or (as Le Quien, Or. Chr. ii. 865 sq. holds) Zeno, the nominee of Meletius, was first in the field in the unseemly scramble, is doubtful. Zeno is already bishop in 365 (Soz. vi. 12); the date of the appointment of Diodorus, whose claim is at any rate no better than that of Paulinus himself, is quite uncertain (see also Prolegg. ch. ii. §§9, 10). Diodorus was the friend and correspondent of Epiphanius, and of Timothy, bishop of Alexandria, second from Athanasius. Facundus confuses him in these particulars also with his namesake of Tarsus, but the mistake is thoroughly sifted by Tillemont, Mem. viii. pp. 238, 712. The letter is important, along with Letter 56, and the correspondence of S. Basil, as illustrating the attitude of Athanasius with regard to the unhappy schism of Antioch.

[4806] Col. iv. 6. __________________________________________________________________

Memorandum.--On other Letters ascribed to Athanasius.

The above Collection of Letters is complete upon the principle stated in the Introduction (supr., p. 495). But one or two fragments have been excluded which may be specified here.

(1.) Fragment of a letter to Eupsychius;' probably the Nicene Father referred to Ep. Æg. 8, (cf. D.C.B. ii. 299 (4)). The Greek is given by Montf. in Ath. Opp. 1. p. 1293 (Latin, ib. p. 1287). It was cited in Conc. Nic. II. Act vi., but although it has affinities with Orat. ii. 8 (high-priestly dress'), it has the appearance of a polemical argument against Monophysitism. (Migne xxvi. 1245.)

(2.) To Epiphanius' (Migne xxvi. 1257). Against certain, who contentiously follow the Jews in celebrating Easter. (From Chron. Pasch. pag. 4 postremæ editionis.')

(3.) Fragments of an Epistola ad Antiochenos' (not our Tomus,' supr., p. 483): also a polemic against Monophysitism, and almost Nestorian in doctrine: Jesus Christus...non est Ipse' [i.e. ante sæcula et in sæcula, Heb. xiii. 8], and duas personas' asserted of Christ. From Facundus, who says the letter was written against the Apollinarians, and who gives it on the authority of Peter, Ath.'s successor (Migne xxvi. 1259).

(4.) Ad Eusebium, Lucinianum, et socios.' (In Migne xxvi. 1325 sq., from Mai, Script. Vet. 11. 583 sq.) A minute fragment. Cf. supr., Letter 55, notes 1, 7.

(5.) Spurious letters (in Migne xxviii.) to Jovian, to Castor (2), to a bishop of the Persians,' and to and from popes Liberius, Marcus, Julius and Felix (made up out of late and spurious decretals, &c., &c.). __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________

Indexes __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture References

Genesis

[1]1:1 [2]1:1 [3]1:1 [4]1:1 [5]1:1 [6]1:3 [7]1:3 [8]1:3 [9]1:6 [10]1:6-11 [11]1:9 [12]1:11 [13]1:14-18 [14]1:20 [15]1:26 [16]1:26 [17]1:26 [18]1:26 [19]1:26 [20]1:26 [21]1:26 [22]1:28 [23]1:31 [24]2:3 [25]2:5 [26]2:15 [27]2:16 [28]2:17 [29]3 [30]3:9 [31]3:12 [32]3:15 [33]3:19 [34]3:19 [35]3:19 [36]4:1 [37]4:12 [38]4:12 [39]4:16 [40]5:3 [41]6:2 [42]7:1 [43]9:27 [44]11:5 [45]14:14 [46]14:14 [47]15:1 [48]15:8 [49]18:21 [50]19:24 [51]19:24 [52]19:24 [53]19:26 [54]21:5 [55]22:2 [56]22:12 [57]22:15 [58]25:8 [59]25:27 [60]26:13 [61]27 [62]27:2 [63]27:29 [64]27:37 [65]28:3-4 [66]28:15 [67]31:5 [68]31:7 [69]32:11 [70]32:26 [71]32:30 [72]32:30-31 [73]32:31 [74]32:31 [75]42:21 [76]48:5 [77]48:15-16 [78]49:3 [79]49:3 [80]49:10 [81]49:14

Exodus

[82]3:2-6 [83]3:10 [84]3:13 [85]3:14 [86]3:14 [87]3:14 [88]3:14 [89]3:14 [90]3:14-15 [91]3:16 [92]4:12 [93]4:13 [94]8:26 [95]12:2 [96]12:5 [97]12:7 [98]12:8-9 [99]12:11 [100]12:23 [101]12:41 [102]12:41 [103]12:43 [104]12:43-48 [105]12:46 [106]12:47 [107]14:14 [108]14:21 [109]15 [110]15:1 [111]15:1 [112]15:9 [113]15:9 [114]19:8 [115]19:9 [116]19:13 [117]19:16 [118]20:3 [119]20:4 [120]20:13 [121]21:13 [122]21:17 [123]21:17 [124]21:17 [125]21:17 [126]23:1 [127]23:14 [128]23:26 [129]24:2 [130]29:5 [131]33:11 [132]33:20 [133]33:23 [134]34:6

Leviticus

[135]9:7 [136]9:7 [137]11:13 [138]17:9 [139]23:26 [140]23:29 [141]25:21 [142]26:12

Numbers

[143]3 [144]6:25 [145]7 [146]9:2 [147]9:13 [148]10:1-2 [149]10:8 [150]10:9 [151]10:10 [152]11 [153]12 [154]17 [155]18 [156]21 [157]24:5-6 [158]24:5-17 [159]26 [160]28:2

Deuteronomy

[161]4:4 [162]4:4 [163]4:7 [164]4:19 [165]4:24 [166]4:32 [167]6:4 [168]6:4 [169]6:4 [170]6:4 [171]6:4-5 [172]6:7 [173]6:13 [174]6:16 [175]7:8 [176]12:11 [177]12:13 [178]12:14 [179]13:1-3 [180]13:4 [181]13:18 [182]16:1 [183]16:1 [184]16:1 [185]16:1 [186]17:6 [187]18:15 [188]18:15 [189]21:15 [190]21:15 [191]21:23 [192]28:66 [193]28:66 [194]28:66 [195]28:66 [196]30:14 [197]32:4 [198]32:6 [199]32:6 [200]32:6 [201]32:6 [202]32:6 [203]32:8 [204]32:17 [205]32:18 [206]32:20 [207]32:39 [208]32:39 [209]32:39 [210]32:49 [211]34:6

Joshua

[212]1:6 [213]2:1 [214]5:13 [215]7:20 [216]10:12 [217]23:14 [218]24:23

Judges

[219]11:34 [220]13:16 [221]19 [222]19:29 [223]19:29

1 Samuel

[224]2:6 [225]2:27 [226]5 [227]6 [228]12:5 [229]12:5 [230]13:9 [231]15 [232]15:35 [233]16:12 [234]16:14 [235]21:13 [236]22:2 [237]22:9 [238]22:18 [239]26:9 [240]26:10-11 [241]26:21

2 Samuel

[242]6:23 [243]15:13 [244]18:24

1 Kings

[245]1:11 [246]1:19 [247]1:26 [248]8:27 [249]8:59 [250]10:24 [251]12:32-33 [252]13:2 [253]18:15 [254]18:15 [255]19:4-8 [256]21:10 [257]21:18 [258]21:20

2 Kings

[259]1:10 [260]3:11 [261]5:8 [262]5:15 [263]5:26 [264]6:13-17 [265]6:16 [266]6:17 [267]9:35-36 [268]17:9 [269]19:35 [270]20:18

Ezra

[271]3:6

Esther

[272]3:9 [273]4:16 [274]9:20-28 [275]9:21

Job

[276]1 [277]1:2 [278]1:2 [279]1:21 [280]2:7 [281]5:23 [282]5:26 [283]7:1 [284]14:4 [285]14:16-17 [286]14:26 [287]16:14 [288]18:5 [289]18:5 [290]18:14 [291]38:17 [292]38:17 [293]38:17 [294]40:8-9 [295]40:16 [296]40:19-24 [297]40:24 [298]41:1 [299]41:5 [300]41:13 [301]41:13 [302]41:18-20 [303]41:27

Psalms

[304]1:1 [305]1:1 [306]1:1-2 [307]1:5 [308]1:5 [309]1:6 [310]1:16 [311]2:1 [312]2:1 [313]2:1 [314]2:1 [315]2:4 [316]2:6 [317]2:7 [318]2:7 [319]2:7 [320]2:7 [321]2:18 [322]2:18 [323]2:23 [324]2:24 [325]2:25 [326]2:25 [327]2:26-28 [328]3 [329]3 [330]4 [331]4:4 [332]4:4 [333]4:5 [334]4:24 [335]4:24 [336]4:24 [337]4:24 [338]4:24 [339]4:24 [340]4:24 [341]4:24 [342]4:24 [343]4:25-26 [344]4:34 [345]5:3 [346]6:6 [347]7:3-4 [348]7:20 [349]7:20 [350]9:6 [351]9:9 [352]9:9 [353]9:14 [354]9:15 [355]9:17 [356]10:1 [357]10:1 [358]10:1 [359]10:1 [360]10:1 [361]10:3 [362]10:3 [363]10:3 [364]10:3 [365]10:3 [366]10:3 [367]11:7 [368]12:1 [369]12:6 [370]14:1 [371]14:1 [372]14:1 [373]14:1-2 [374]14:7 [375]15:3 [376]15:3 [377]15:4 [378]15:4-7 [379]15:5 [380]15:8 [381]15:16 [382]15:17-18 [383]15:18 [384]16:3 [385]16:8 [386]16:10 [387]16:10 [388]16:12 [389]16:13 [390]16:15 [391]16:15 [392]16:16 [393]16:16 [394]17:3-4 [395]17:15 [396]18:1-2 [397]18:6 [398]18:7 [399]18:9 [400]18:10 [401]18:13 [402]18:17 [403]18:24 [404]18:27 [405]18:27 [406]18:29 [407]18:29 [408]18:44-45 [409]18:45 [410]19:1 [411]19:1 [412]19:1 [413]19:1 [414]19:3 [415]19:4 [416]19:14 [417]19:14 [418]19:20 [419]19:43 [420]19:44 [421]19:62 [422]19:73 [423]19:73 [424]19:73 [425]19:89 [426]19:89 [427]19:90 [428]19:91 [429]19:91 [430]19:101 [431]19:107 [432]19:143 [433]19:164 [434]20:1-2 [435]20:7 [436]20:7 [437]22:9 [438]22:16 [439]22:22 [440]22:32 [441]23:4 [442]24:3 [443]24:6 [444]24:7 [445]24:7 [446]24:7 [447]24:7 [448]24:7 [449]24:10 [450]25:1 [451]25:1 [452]26:2 [453]27:1 [454]27:1 [455]27:3 [456]30:3 [457]30:9 [458]30:12 [459]31:7 [460]31:7-8 [461]31:15 [462]31:24 [463]32:9 [464]32:9 [465]32:14 [466]32:15 [467]33:1 [468]33:4 [469]33:6 [470]33:6 [471]33:6 [472]33:6 [473]33:9 [474]33:9 [475]34 [476]34:1 [477]34:13 [478]34:21 [479]35:8 [480]35:16 [481]35:28 [482]36:1 [483]36:9 [484]36:9 [485]36:9 [486]36:9 [487]37:6 [488]37:40 [489]38:8 [490]38:8 [491]38:12 [492]38:14 [493]38:14 [494]39:2 [495]39:6 [496]40 [497]40:6 [498]41:9 [499]42:1 [500]42:4 [501]42:4 [502]43:3 [503]43:3 [504]43:4 [505]44:5 [506]44:5 [507]44:17 [508]44:17 [509]44:20 [510]44:22 [511]45:1 [512]45:1 [513]45:1 [514]45:1 [515]45:1 [516]45:1 [517]45:1 [518]45:1 [519]45:1 [520]45:1 [521]45:6 [522]45:6 [523]45:7 [524]45:7 [525]45:7-8 [526]45:7-8 [527]45:7-8 [528]45:8 [529]45:8 [530]45:13 [531]45:13 [532]45:14 [533]46:7 [534]46:7 [535]46:8 [536]47:7-9 [537]48:5 [538]48:5 [539]48:5 [540]49:3 [541]49:10 [542]49:11 [543]49:12 [544]50:1 [545]50:3 [546]50:6 [547]50:14 [548]50:16 [549]50:16 [550]50:16 [551]50:23 [552]51:10 [553]51:11 [554]51:12 [555]51:12 [556]51:13 [557]52 [558]53:1 [559]53:3 [560]54:1 [561]54:7 [562]55:4 [563]55:15 [564]56:11 [565]57:3 [566]57:4 [567]57:4 [568]59:6 [569]59:14 [570]59:15 [571]60:11 [572]60:12 [573]63:1-2 [574]63:6 [575]63:11 [576]66:11-12 [577]68:1 [578]68:5 [579]69:26 [580]71:3 [581]72:1 [582]72:5 [583]72:17 [584]73:20 [585]73:23-24 [586]74:2 [587]74:6 [588]74:11 [589]74:14 [590]76:1 [591]76:1 [592]77:10 [593]78:25 [594]81:3 [595]81:3 [596]82:1 [597]82:5 [598]82:6 [599]82:6 [600]82:6 [601]83:1 [602]83:6 [603]84:7 [604]84:10 [605]84:70 [606]85:8 [607]86:8 [608]86:8 [609]86:8 [610]86:16 [611]87:1-3 [612]87:2 [613]87:4 [614]88:7 [615]89:6 [616]89:6 [617]89:7 [618]89:17-18 [619]89:47 [620]90:2 [621]90:10 [622]90:14 [623]90:17 [624]91:8 [625]94:11 [626]94:17 [627]95:1 [628]95:1 [629]97:1 [630]104:24 [631]110:3 [632]110:3 [633]118 [634]118 [635]119:148 [636]120:5 [637]125:1 [638]132:14 [639]135 [640]143:5 [641]143:5

Proverbs

[642]1:5 [643]1:5-6 [644]1:6 [645]1:7 [646]1:23 [647]2:13-14 [648]3:19 [649]3:19 [650]3:19 [651]3:19 [652]3:19 [653]4:1 [654]4:23 [655]5:3 [656]5:22 [657]7:22 [658]7:22-23 [659]8:2 [660]8:9 [661]8:10-11 [662]8:12 [663]8:12 [664]8:14 [665]8:14 [666]8:22 [667]8:22 [668]8:22 [669]8:22 [670]8:22 [671]8:22 [672]8:22 [673]8:22 [674]8:22 [675]8:22 [676]8:22 [677]8:22 [678]8:22 [679]8:22 [680]8:22 [681]8:22 [682]8:22 [683]8:22 [684]8:22 [685]8:22 [686]8:22 [687]8:22 [688]8:22 [689]8:22 [690]8:22 [691]8:22 [692]8:22 [693]8:22 [694]8:22 [695]8:22 [696]8:22 [697]8:22 [698]8:22 [699]8:22 [700]8:22 [701]8:22 [702]8:22 [703]8:22 [704]8:22 [705]8:22 [706]8:22-30 [707]8:23 [708]8:23 [709]8:23 [710]8:23 [711]8:24-26 [712]8:25 [713]8:25 [714]8:25 [715]8:25 [716]8:25 [717]8:25 [718]8:25 [719]8:27 [720]8:27 [721]8:27 [722]8:27 [723]8:30 [724]8:30 [725]8:30 [726]8:30 [727]8:30 [728]8:30 [729]8:30 [730]8:30 [731]8:31 [732]9:1 [733]9:1 [734]9:1 [735]9:1 [736]9:1-5 [737]9:6 [738]9:17 [739]9:17 [740]9:18 [741]9:18 [742]10:3 [743]10:20 [744]10:27 [745]11:26 [746]12:5-6 [747]12:6 [748]12:7 [749]12:10 [750]12:11 [751]12:20 [752]13:3 [753]13:13 [754]14:15 [755]14:16 [756]14:24 [757]15:1 [758]15:13 [759]15:13 [760]15:28 [761]16:13 [762]16:13 [763]18:1 [764]18:1 [765]18:3 [766]18:3 [767]18:3 [768]19:5 [769]19:27 [770]20:13 [771]20:14 [772]20:17 [773]20:23 [774]20:28 [775]21:1 [776]21:26 [777]22:28 [778]22:28 [779]23:1 [780]23:4 [781]23:32 [782]24:9 [783]24:15 [784]25:2 [785]25:7 [786]25:7 [787]25:18 [788]25:25 [789]26:10 [790]28:28 [791]29:7 [792]29:12 [793]30:8 [794]30:11 [795]30:15 [796]30:15 [797]30:19

Ecclesiastes

[798]3:2 [799]3:7 [800]4:8 [801]5:8-9 [802]7:17 [803]7:23-24 [804]7:26 [805]7:29 [806]7:29 [807]8:1 [808]9:12 [809]10:8 [810]10:20 [811]12:14

Song of Solomon

[812]1:6-7 [813]2 [814]3:1-2 [815]5:2 [816]6:1 [817]8:1

Isaiah

[818]1:2 [819]1:2 [820]1:2 [821]1:2 [822]1:4 [823]1:6 [824]1:10-11 [825]1:11 [826]1:11 [827]1:11 [828]1:12 [829]1:12 [830]1:14 [831]1:14 [832]1:22 [833]1:22 [834]1:22 [835]1:22 [836]2:3 [837]2:3 [838]2:4 [839]3:9-10 [840]3:9-10 [841]5:1 [842]5:7 [843]5:11 [844]5:20 [845]5:20 [846]6 [847]6:5 [848]6:8 [849]6:9 [850]7:14 [851]7:14 [852]7:14 [853]7:14 [854]7:14 [855]8:4 [856]8:4 [857]9:5 [858]9:6 [859]9:6 [860]9:6 [861]9:6 [862]9:6 [863]10:14 [864]10:14 [865]11:5 [866]11:8 [867]11:9 [868]11:9 [869]11:10 [870]14:12 [871]14:14 [872]14:14 [873]14:27 [874]14:27 [875]19:1 [876]22:13 [877]22:13 [878]22:14 [879]23:2 [880]25:8 [881]26:9 [882]26:10 [883]26:13 [884]26:20 [885]26:20 [886]26:20 [887]32:6 [888]32:6 [889]35:3 [890]38:18 [891]38:19 [892]38:20 [893]39:7 [894]40:8 [895]40:18 [896]40:28 [897]40:28 [898]40:28 [899]40:29 [900]42:8 [901]42:8 [902]42:12 [903]44:6 [904]44:6 [905]44:9 [906]44:23 [907]44:24 [908]44:24 [909]45:5 [910]45:14 [911]47:6 [912]48:13 [913]48:22 [914]48:22 [915]49:5 [916]49:5 [917]49:5 [918]49:8 [919]49:13 [920]50:6 [921]50:6 [922]50:6 [923]51:16 [924]52 [925]52:5 [926]52:11 [927]52:11 [928]53 [929]53:3 [930]53:4 [931]53:4 [932]53:4 [933]53:5 [934]53:7 [935]53:7 [936]53:7 [937]53:7 [938]53:8 [939]53:8 [940]54:13 [941]54:13 [942]55:6-7 [943]56:4-5 [944]58:5 [945]58:9 [946]58:11 [947]59:3-4 [948]59:4-5 [949]59:9-11 [950]60:8 [951]61:1 [952]61:1 [953]61:8 [954]63:1 [955]63:9 [956]64:4 [957]65:1-2 [958]66:2 [959]66:2 [960]66:2 [961]66:2 [962]66:3 [963]66:3

Jeremiah

[964]1:5 [965]1:5 [966]1:5 [967]1:5 [968]2:1 [969]2:12 [970]2:13 [971]2:13 [972]2:18 [973]3:3 [974]4:3 [975]5:8 [976]5:8 [977]5:30 [978]6:16 [979]6:20 [980]7:18 [981]7:21-22 [982]7:22 [983]7:22-23 [984]7:28 [985]7:34 [986]7:34 [987]9:2 [988]9:2 [989]9:3 [990]9:10 [991]11:19 [992]13:23 [993]14:10 [994]15:5 [995]15:18 [996]17:10 [997]17:11 [998]17:12-13 [999]20:9 [1000]20:9 [1001]20:12 [1002]22:10 [1003]23:18 [1004]23:22 [1005]23:23 [1006]23:29 [1007]25:10 [1008]31:22 [1009]31:22 [1010]31:34 [1011]48:10

Lamentations

[1012]3:27 [1013]4:6 [1014]4:20

Ezekiel

[1015]3:12 [1016]9:4 [1017]11:13 [1018]16:25 [1019]16:48 [1020]18:23 [1021]18:26 [1022]18:32 [1023]28:2 [1024]34:2 [1025]34:2 [1026]44

Daniel

[1027]3:18 [1028]3:25 [1029]4:3 [1030]4:19 [1031]6:5 [1032]6:11 [1033]6:11 [1034]6:13 [1035]7:5 [1036]7:7 [1037]7:13 [1038]7:14 [1039]7:25 [1040]9:24 [1041]9:24 [1042]9:27

Hosea

[1043]4:12 [1044]6:3 [1045]6:6 [1046]7:13 [1047]7:15 [1048]8:7 [1049]9:4 [1050]11:1

Joel

[1051]1:7 [1052]2:15 [1053]2:17 [1054]2:17 [1055]2:25 [1056]2:25 [1057]2:25 [1058]2:25 [1059]2:25 [1060]2:25 [1061]2:28 [1062]2:28 [1063]2:28 [1064]2:32

Amos

[1065]5:16

Micah

[1066]4:2 [1067]7:18 [1068]7:18

Nahum

[1069]1:15 [1070]1:15 [1071]1:15 [1072]1:15

Habakkuk

[1073]2:5 [1074]2:15 [1075]2:15 [1076]2:15 [1077]2:15

Zechariah

[1078]1:3 [1079]1:12 [1080]2:10 [1081]8:19

Malachi

[1082]1:2-3 [1083]1:11 [1084]1:11 [1085]2:10 [1086]3:3 [1087]3:6 [1088]3:6 [1089]3:6 [1090]3:6 [1091]4:2 [1092]4:2

Matthew

[1093]1 [1094]1:17 [1095]1:23 [1096]1:23 [1097]1:23 [1098]1:23 [1099]1:23 [1100]1:25 [1101]1:25 [1102]2:13 [1103]3:3 [1104]3:7 [1105]3:7 [1106]3:9 [1107]3:17 [1108]3:17 [1109]3:17 [1110]3:17 [1111]3:17 [1112]3:17 [1113]3:17 [1114]3:17 [1115]3:17 [1116]3:17 [1117]4:3 [1118]4:3 [1119]4:7 [1120]4:10 [1121]4:10 [1122]4:10 [1123]4:11 [1124]4:19 [1125]4:20 [1126]4:23 [1127]5:6 [1128]5:8 [1129]5:8 [1130]5:10 [1131]5:11-12 [1132]5:15 [1133]5:21-44 [1134]5:22 [1135]5:28 [1136]5:36 [1137]5:48 [1138]5:48 [1139]6:6 [1140]6:7 [1141]6:7 [1142]6:9 [1143]6:30 [1144]6:31 [1145]6:33 [1146]6:34 [1147]7:2 [1148]7:6 [1149]7:6 [1150]7:6 [1151]7:13 [1152]7:15 [1153]7:15 [1154]7:22 [1155]7:25 [1156]7:25 [1157]8:2 [1158]8:26 [1159]8:29 [1160]8:29 [1161]8:31 [1162]9:3 [1163]9:5 [1164]9:5 [1165]9:13 [1166]9:20 [1167]9:20 [1168]9:24 [1169]9:36 [1170]10:8 [1171]10:16 [1172]10:17 [1173]10:22 [1174]10:22 [1175]10:23 [1176]10:23 [1177]10:23 [1178]10:29 [1179]10:29 [1180]10:29 [1181]10:40 [1182]10:40 [1183]10:40 [1184]10:40 [1185]10:40 [1186]10:40 [1187]11:13 [1188]11:25 [1189]11:25 [1190]11:27 [1191]11:27 [1192]11:27 [1193]11:27 [1194]11:27 [1195]11:27 [1196]11:27 [1197]11:27 [1198]11:27 [1199]11:27 [1200]11:27 [1201]11:27 [1202]11:27 [1203]11:28 [1204]11:28 [1205]11:28 [1206]11:29 [1207]11:29 [1208]12:8 [1209]12:15 [1210]12:19 [1211]12:28 [1212]12:28 [1213]12:32 [1214]12:32 [1215]12:34 [1216]12:34 [1217]12:36 [1218]12:40 [1219]12:43-45 [1220]13:8 [1221]13:21 [1222]13:22 [1223]13:25 [1224]13:52 [1225]14:13 [1226]14:28 [1227]15:3 [1228]15:4 [1229]15:11 [1230]15:13 [1231]15:13 [1232]15:19 [1233]15:26 [1234]15:28 [1235]16:13 [1236]16:13 [1237]16:16 [1238]16:16 [1239]16:16 [1240]16:16 [1241]16:16 [1242]16:16-17 [1243]16:18 [1244]16:22-23 [1245]16:23 [1246]16:23 [1247]16:24 [1248]16:24 [1249]17:5 [1250]17:5 [1251]17:5 [1252]17:20 [1253]18:6 [1254]18:6 [1255]18:6 [1256]18:19 [1257]18:20 [1258]18:20 [1259]18:24 [1260]19:4 [1261]19:4 [1262]19:4 [1263]19:6 [1264]19:21 [1265]19:27 [1266]20:16 [1267]20:22-23 [1268]20:28 [1269]20:32 [1270]21:2 [1271]21:19 [1272]21:33 [1273]21:37 [1274]22:12 [1275]22:12 [1276]22:21 [1277]22:21 [1278]22:29 [1279]22:29 [1280]22:29 [1281]22:29 [1282]22:29 [1283]23:19 [1284]23:34 [1285]24:2 [1286]24:3 [1287]24:24 [1288]24:24-25 [1289]24:31 [1290]24:35 [1291]24:39 [1292]24:42 [1293]24:42 [1294]24:42 [1295]24:42 [1296]24:44 [1297]25:1-12 [1298]25:11 [1299]25:13 [1300]25:21 [1301]25:21 [1302]25:21 [1303]25:21 [1304]25:21 [1305]25:23 [1306]25:23 [1307]25:26 [1308]25:26-30 [1309]25:27 [1310]25:31-36 [1311]25:34 [1312]25:34 [1313]25:34 [1314]25:34 [1315]25:35 [1316]25:40 [1317]25:45 [1318]26:2 [1319]26:17 [1320]26:26 [1321]26:26-28 [1322]26:28 [1323]26:38 [1324]26:39 [1325]26:39 [1326]26:39 [1327]26:39 [1328]26:39 [1329]26:41 [1330]26:41 [1331]26:45 [1332]26:64 [1333]26:64 [1334]26:65 [1335]27:24 [1336]27:40 [1337]27:42 [1338]27:45 [1339]27:46 [1340]27:46 [1341]27:52-53 [1342]27:54 [1343]27:54 [1344]27:60 [1345]28:5 [1346]28:18 [1347]28:18 [1348]28:18 [1349]28:18 [1350]28:19 [1351]28:19 [1352]28:19 [1353]28:19 [1354]28:19 [1355]28:19 [1356]28:20 [1357]28:20

Mark

[1358]1:7-11 [1359]1:24 [1360]1:24 [1361]1:31 [1362]2:11 [1363]4:17 [1364]4:20 [1365]4:20 [1366]4:37-41 [1367]4:37-41 [1368]6:38 [1369]6:38 [1370]8:22 [1371]8:29 [1372]8:38 [1373]10:21 [1374]10:28 [1375]10:45 [1376]11:13 [1377]12:25 [1378]12:29 [1379]12:29 [1380]12:29 [1381]13:9 [1382]13:31 [1383]13:32 [1384]13:32 [1385]13:32 [1386]13:32 [1387]13:32 [1388]13:32 [1389]13:32 [1390]13:32 [1391]15:5 [1392]15:34 [1393]15:46

Luke

[1394]1 [1395]1:1 [1396]1:1 [1397]1:2 [1398]1:13 [1399]1:27 [1400]1:35 [1401]1:41 [1402]2:1 [1403]2:23 [1404]2:52 [1405]2:52 [1406]2:52 [1407]2:52 [1408]2:52 [1409]2:52 [1410]2:52 [1411]2:52 [1412]2:61 [1413]3:7 [1414]4:3 [1415]4:8 [1416]4:18 [1417]4:30 [1418]4:30 [1419]4:41 [1420]5:24 [1421]5:24 [1422]6:1 [1423]6:36 [1424]6:36 [1425]6:36 [1426]6:49 [1427]7:48 [1428]9:27 [1429]9:62 [1430]10:16 [1431]10:18 [1432]10:18-19 [1433]10:19 [1434]10:19 [1435]10:20 [1436]10:22 [1437]10:22 [1438]10:22 [1439]10:22 [1440]10:22 [1441]11:2 [1442]11:9 [1443]11:13 [1444]11:15 [1445]11:27 [1446]11:49 [1447]12:4 [1448]12:12 [1449]12:20 [1450]12:29 [1451]12:33 [1452]12:40 [1453]12:40 [1454]12:49 [1455]13:21 [1456]13:25 [1457]13:32 [1458]14:15 [1459]14:15 [1460]15:7 [1461]15:17 [1462]16:8 [1463]16:19 [1464]17:2 [1465]17:15 [1466]17:19 [1467]17:21 [1468]17:21 [1469]18:2 [1470]18:7 [1471]18:12 [1472]18:19 [1473]18:19 [1474]19:23 [1475]20:13 [1476]21:8 [1477]21:8 [1478]21:15 [1479]21:33 [1480]22:15 [1481]22:15-16 [1482]22:28-30 [1483]22:29-30 [1484]22:31 [1485]23:28 [1486]23:43 [1487]23:43 [1488]24 [1489]24:1 [1490]24:5 [1491]24:11 [1492]24:39 [1493]24:39 [1494]24:42-43 [1495]28:37

John

[1496]1:1 [1497]1:1 [1498]1:1 [1499]1:1 [1500]1:1 [1501]1:1 [1502]1:1 [1503]1:1 [1504]1:1 [1505]1:1 [1506]1:1 [1507]1:1 [1508]1:1 [1509]1:1 [1510]1:1 [1511]1:1 [1512]1:1 [1513]1:1 [1514]1:1 [1515]1:1 [1516]1:1 [1517]1:1 [1518]1:1 [1519]1:1 [1520]1:1 [1521]1:1 [1522]1:1 [1523]1:1 [1524]1:1-3 [1525]1:1-3 [1526]1:3 [1527]1:3 [1528]1:3 [1529]1:3 [1530]1:3 [1531]1:3 [1532]1:3 [1533]1:3 [1534]1:3 [1535]1:3 [1536]1:3 [1537]1:3 [1538]1:3 [1539]1:3 [1540]1:3 [1541]1:3 [1542]1:3 [1543]1:3 [1544]1:3 [1545]1:3 [1546]1:3 [1547]1:3 [1548]1:3 [1549]1:8 [1550]1:9 [1551]1:9 [1552]1:9 [1553]1:9 [1554]1:10 [1555]1:12 [1556]1:12 [1557]1:12 [1558]1:12-13 [1559]1:12-17 [1560]1:14 [1561]1:14 [1562]1:14 [1563]1:14 [1564]1:14 [1565]1:14 [1566]1:14 [1567]1:14 [1568]1:14 [1569]1:14 [1570]1:14 [1571]1:14 [1572]1:14 [1573]1:14 [1574]1:14 [1575]1:14 [1576]1:14 [1577]1:14 [1578]1:14 [1579]1:14 [1580]1:14 [1581]1:14 [1582]1:14 [1583]1:14 [1584]1:14 [1585]1:14 [1586]1:14 [1587]1:14 [1588]1:14 [1589]1:14 [1590]1:14 [1591]1:14 [1592]1:14 [1593]1:15 [1594]1:16 [1595]1:16 [1596]1:16 [1597]1:17 [1598]1:17 [1599]1:18 [1600]1:18 [1601]1:18 [1602]1:18 [1603]1:18 [1604]1:18 [1605]1:18 [1606]1:18 [1607]1:18 [1608]1:18 [1609]1:18 [1610]1:22 [1611]1:45 [1612]2:4 [1613]2:4 [1614]2:19 [1615]2:25 [1616]3:2 [1617]3:3 [1618]3:5 [1619]3:16-19 [1620]3:17 [1621]3:17 [1622]3:17 [1623]3:18-19 [1624]3:31 [1625]3:35 [1626]3:35 [1627]3:35 [1628]3:35 [1629]3:35 [1630]3:36 [1631]4:14 [1632]4:20 [1633]4:20 [1634]4:24 [1635]4:26 [1636]4:34 [1637]5:16 [1638]5:17 [1639]5:17 [1640]5:17 [1641]5:17 [1642]5:17 [1643]5:18 [1644]5:19 [1645]5:19 [1646]5:19 [1647]5:22 [1648]5:22 [1649]5:23 [1650]5:23 [1651]5:23 [1652]5:23 [1653]5:25 [1654]5:26 [1655]5:26 [1656]5:26 [1657]5:30 [1658]5:36 [1659]5:37 [1660]5:39 [1661]5:39 [1662]5:39 [1663]5:46 [1664]5:46 [1665]6:4 [1666]6:6 [1667]6:30 [1668]6:35 [1669]6:37 [1670]6:38 [1671]6:38 [1672]6:38-40 [1673]6:42 [1674]6:44 [1675]6:44 [1676]6:45 [1677]6:45 [1678]6:46 [1679]6:46 [1680]6:46 [1681]6:48 [1682]6:48-51 [1683]6:51 [1684]6:51 [1685]6:51 [1686]6:53 [1687]6:62-64 [1688]6:63 [1689]6:63 [1690]6:67 [1691]6:68 [1692]6:68 [1693]6:69 [1694]7:6 [1695]7:17 [1696]7:30 [1697]7:37 [1698]7:37 [1699]7:37 [1700]7:37 [1701]7:37 [1702]7:37 [1703]7:37 [1704]7:37 [1705]7:37-38 [1706]7:38 [1707]7:38 [1708]7:39 [1709]7:46 [1710]8:12 [1711]8:12 [1712]8:35-36 [1713]8:36 [1714]8:40 [1715]8:40 [1716]8:42 [1717]8:43 [1718]8:44 [1719]8:44 [1720]8:44 [1721]8:44 [1722]8:44 [1723]8:56 [1724]8:56 [1725]8:58 [1726]8:58 [1727]8:58 [1728]8:58 [1729]8:58-59 [1730]9 [1731]9:6 [1732]9:28-29 [1733]9:32 [1734]9:39 [1735]10:15 [1736]10:15 [1737]10:16 [1738]10:17-18 [1739]10:18 [1740]10:18 [1741]10:18 [1742]10:18 [1743]10:29 [1744]10:29 [1745]10:29 [1746]10:29 [1747]10:30 [1748]10:30 [1749]10:30 [1750]10:30 [1751]10:30 [1752]10:30 [1753]10:30 [1754]10:30 [1755]10:30 [1756]10:30 [1757]10:30 [1758]10:30 [1759]10:30 [1760]10:30 [1761]10:30 [1762]10:30 [1763]10:30 [1764]10:30 [1765]10:30 [1766]10:30 [1767]10:30 [1768]10:30 [1769]10:30 [1770]10:30 [1771]10:30 [1772]10:30 [1773]10:30 [1774]10:30 [1775]10:30 [1776]10:30 [1777]10:30 [1778]10:30 [1779]10:32-38 [1780]10:33 [1781]10:33 [1782]10:33 [1783]10:33 [1784]10:35 [1785]10:35 [1786]10:36 [1787]10:37 [1788]10:37-38 [1789]10:38 [1790]10:38 [1791]10:38 [1792]10:38 [1793]11:14 [1794]11:25 [1795]11:34 [1796]11:34 [1797]11:34 [1798]11:35 [1799]11:43 [1800]11:47 [1801]11:50 [1802]11:53-54 [1803]12:13 [1804]12:27 [1805]12:27 [1806]12:27 [1807]12:27-28 [1808]12:28 [1809]12:28 [1810]12:32 [1811]12:34 [1812]12:45 [1813]12:46 [1814]12:46-48 [1815]12:47 [1816]13:12 [1817]13:13 [1818]13:13 [1819]13:18 [1820]13:21 [1821]13:31 [1822]14:2 [1823]14:3 [1824]14:6 [1825]14:6 [1826]14:6 [1827]14:6 [1828]14:6 [1829]14:6 [1830]14:6 [1831]14:6 [1832]14:6 [1833]14:6 [1834]14:6 [1835]14:6 [1836]14:6 [1837]14:6 [1838]14:6 [1839]14:6 [1840]14:6 [1841]14:6 [1842]14:8-9 [1843]14:9 [1844]14:9 [1845]14:9 [1846]14:9 [1847]14:9 [1848]14:9 [1849]14:9 [1850]14:9 [1851]14:9 [1852]14:9 [1853]14:9 [1854]14:9 [1855]14:9 [1856]14:9 [1857]14:9 [1858]14:9 [1859]14:9 [1860]14:9-10 [1861]14:9-10 [1862]14:9-10 [1863]14:9-10 [1864]14:9-10 [1865]14:9-10 [1866]14:9-10 [1867]14:9-13 [1868]14:10 [1869]14:10 [1870]14:10 [1871]14:10 [1872]14:10 [1873]14:10 [1874]14:10 [1875]14:10 [1876]14:10 [1877]14:10 [1878]14:10 [1879]14:10 [1880]14:10 [1881]14:10 [1882]14:10 [1883]14:11 [1884]14:11 [1885]14:16 [1886]14:20 [1887]14:23 [1888]14:23 [1889]14:26 [1890]14:27 [1891]14:28 [1892]14:28 [1893]14:28-29 [1894]14:30 [1895]14:48 [1896]15:1 [1897]15:20 [1898]15:22 [1899]15:26 [1900]15:26 [1901]15:26 [1902]16:7 [1903]16:13 [1904]16:14 [1905]16:15 [1906]16:15 [1907]16:15 [1908]16:15 [1909]16:15 [1910]16:15 [1911]16:15 [1912]16:15 [1913]16:15 [1914]16:15 [1915]16:15 [1916]16:15 [1917]16:15 [1918]16:23 [1919]16:25 [1920]16:28 [1921]16:28 [1922]16:33 [1923]16:33 [1924]17:1 [1925]17:1 [1926]17:3 [1927]17:3 [1928]17:3 [1929]17:3 [1930]17:3 [1931]17:3 [1932]17:3 [1933]17:4 [1934]17:5 [1935]17:5 [1936]17:7-8 [1937]17:7-9 [1938]17:10 [1939]17:10 [1940]17:11 [1941]17:17 [1942]17:18-19 [1943]17:20-23 [1944]17:21 [1945]17:22 [1946]17:24 [1947]18:4-5 [1948]18:5 [1949]18:5 [1950]18:9 [1951]18:12 [1952]18:23 [1953]18:37 [1954]19:15 [1955]19:15 [1956]19:15 [1957]19:38 [1958]19:39 [1959]19:41 [1960]20:17 [1961]20:17 [1962]20:22 [1963]20:22 [1964]20:22 [1965]20:27 [1966]20:28 [1967]20:28 [1968]21:15 [1969]22:36 [1970]22:45 [1971]22:46

Acts

[1972]1:1 [1973]1:7 [1974]1:7 [1975]1:11 [1976]1:18 [1977]1:18 [1978]1:18 [1979]2:1 [1980]2:22 [1981]2:22 [1982]2:24 [1983]2:24 [1984]2:36 [1985]2:36 [1986]2:36 [1987]2:36 [1988]2:36 [1989]2:36 [1990]2:38 [1991]3:9 [1992]3:15 [1993]3:20 [1994]3:26 [1995]4:4 [1996]4:10 [1997]4:12 [1998]4:32 [1999]4:35 [2000]5 [2001]5:29 [2002]5:39 [2003]5:39 [2004]5:39 [2005]6 [2006]6 [2007]7:55 [2008]8:4 [2009]8:20 [2010]8:20 [2011]8:27 [2012]8:30 [2013]8:34 [2014]8:37 [2015]9:4 [2016]9:5 [2017]10:26 [2018]10:36 [2019]10:36 [2020]10:38 [2021]10:38 [2022]10:38 [2023]13:22 [2024]13:33 [2025]14:15 [2026]15 [2027]17:5 [2028]17:21 [2029]17:27 [2030]17:28 [2031]17:28 [2032]17:28 [2033]17:28 [2034]17:28 [2035]17:28 [2036]17:30 [2037]17:31 [2038]20:28 [2039]20:29 [2040]21:20 [2041]23:9 [2042]23:11 [2043]23:22-24 [2044]24:18-19 [2045]25:16 [2046]26:2 [2047]26:26

Romans

[2048]1:1 [2049]1:1-2 [2050]1:2 [2051]1:3 [2052]1:3 [2053]1:4 [2054]1:4 [2055]1:4 [2056]1:7 [2057]1:7 [2058]1:12 [2059]1:15 [2060]1:17 [2061]1:19-20 [2062]1:19-25 [2063]1:20 [2064]1:20 [2065]1:20 [2066]1:20 [2067]1:20 [2068]1:20 [2069]1:20 [2070]1:20 [2071]1:20 [2072]1:21-22 [2073]1:22 [2074]1:23 [2075]1:25 [2076]1:25 [2077]1:25 [2078]1:25 [2079]1:25 [2080]1:25 [2081]1:25 [2082]1:26 [2083]1:26 [2084]1:28 [2085]1:28 [2086]1:28 [2087]1:30 [2088]1:30 [2089]1:30 [2090]2:5 [2091]2:13 [2092]2:16 [2093]2:21 [2094]2:23 [2095]2:24 [2096]2:24 [2097]3:10 [2098]3:21 [2099]3:22 [2100]3:26 [2101]3:26 [2102]3:29-30 [2103]4:20 [2104]4:25 [2105]5:1-8 [2106]5:3 [2107]5:3 [2108]5:3 [2109]5:4 [2110]5:5 [2111]5:5-8 [2112]5:12 [2113]5:14 [2114]5:14 [2115]5:14 [2116]5:14 [2117]5:14 [2118]6:9 [2119]6:14 [2120]7:12 [2121]7:14 [2122]8 [2123]8 [2124]8:1 [2125]8:3 [2126]8:3 [2127]8:3 [2128]8:3 [2129]8:3 [2130]8:3 [2131]8:3 [2132]8:3 [2133]8:3-4 [2134]8:9 [2135]8:13 [2136]8:15 [2137]8:17 [2138]8:18 [2139]8:18 [2140]8:19 [2141]8:19-21 [2142]8:21 [2143]8:21 [2144]8:22 [2145]8:24-25 [2146]8:26 [2147]8:28 [2148]8:29 [2149]8:29 [2150]8:29 [2151]8:29 [2152]8:29 [2153]8:32 [2154]8:33-34 [2155]8:35 [2156]8:35 [2157]8:35 [2158]8:35 [2159]8:35 [2160]8:35 [2161]8:35 [2162]8:35 [2163]8:35 [2164]8:37 [2165]8:37 [2166]8:37 [2167]8:37 [2168]8:38-39 [2169]9:3 [2170]9:5 [2171]9:5 [2172]9:5 [2173]9:5 [2174]9:5 [2175]9:19 [2176]9:19 [2177]9:32 [2178]9:33 [2179]10:4 [2180]10:9 [2181]10:9 [2182]10:11 [2183]10:13 [2184]10:13 [2185]10:18 [2186]10:20 [2187]11:7 [2188]11:23 [2189]11:32 [2190]11:33 [2191]11:34 [2192]11:34 [2193]11:36 [2194]12:11 [2195]12:12 [2196]12:15 [2197]13:7 [2198]13:7 [2199]13:14 [2200]14:1 [2201]14:1 [2202]14:2 [2203]14:10 [2204]15:19 [2205]15:19 [2206]15:28 [2207]16:18 [2208]16:22

1 Corinthians

[2209]1:1 [2210]1:4 [2211]1:5 [2212]1:5 [2213]1:7-8 [2214]1:10 [2215]1:10 [2216]1:21 [2217]1:21 [2218]1:21 [2219]1:21 [2220]1:23 [2221]1:23-24 [2222]1:24 [2223]1:24 [2224]1:24 [2225]1:24 [2226]1:24 [2227]1:24 [2228]1:24 [2229]1:24 [2230]1:24 [2231]1:24 [2232]1:24 [2233]1:24 [2234]1:24 [2235]1:24 [2236]1:24 [2237]1:30 [2238]1:30 [2239]1:30 [2240]1:30 [2241]1:30 [2242]2:4 [2243]2:4 [2244]2:8 [2245]2:8 [2246]2:8 [2247]2:8 [2248]2:8 [2249]2:8 [2250]2:9 [2251]2:9 [2252]2:9 [2253]2:10 [2254]2:16 [2255]3:1 [2256]3:2 [2257]3:10-11 [2258]3:12 [2259]3:16 [2260]3:16 [2261]4:1 [2262]4:4 [2263]4:4 [2264]4:5 [2265]4:6 [2266]4:6 [2267]4:16 [2268]5:3 [2269]5:4 [2270]5:4 [2271]5:7 [2272]5:7 [2273]5:7 [2274]5:7 [2275]5:7 [2276]5:7 [2277]5:7 [2278]5:7 [2279]5:7 [2280]5:7 [2281]5:7 [2282]5:7 [2283]5:7-8 [2284]5:8 [2285]5:8 [2286]5:8 [2287]5:13 [2288]6:10 [2289]6:13 [2290]6:17 [2291]6:18 [2292]6:20 [2293]7:1 [2294]7:2 [2295]7:5 [2296]7:5 [2297]7:7 [2298]7:17 [2299]7:18 [2300]7:27 [2301]8:5 [2302]8:6 [2303]8:6 [2304]8:6 [2305]8:6 [2306]8:6 [2307]8:6 [2308]8:6 [2309]8:6 [2310]8:6 [2311]8:6 [2312]8:6 [2313]8:6 [2314]8:6 [2315]8:6 [2316]8:6 [2317]8:8 [2318]8:9 [2319]9:16 [2320]9:22 [2321]9:24-27 [2322]9:27 [2323]9:27 [2324]10:4 [2325]10:13 [2326]10:23 [2327]11:1 [2328]11:1 [2329]11:1 [2330]11:1 [2331]11:2 [2332]11:2 [2333]11:2 [2334]11:2 [2335]11:2 [2336]11:3 [2337]11:7 [2338]11:7 [2339]11:7 [2340]11:9 [2341]11:12 [2342]11:25 [2343]11:27 [2344]12:4 [2345]12:4 [2346]12:26 [2347]13:9 [2348]13:9 [2349]13:12 [2350]14:9 [2351]14:25 [2352]14:25 [2353]14:33 [2354]15 [2355]15 [2356]15:3 [2357]15:3 [2358]15:3 [2359]15:3-4 [2360]15:3-4 [2361]15:5 [2362]15:9 [2363]15:9 [2364]15:10 [2365]15:20 [2366]15:21 [2367]15:21 [2368]15:22 [2369]15:25 [2370]15:28 [2371]15:28 [2372]15:31 [2373]15:32 [2374]15:33 [2375]15:53 [2376]15:53 [2377]15:53 [2378]15:53 [2379]15:53 [2380]15:55 [2381]16:22-23

2 Corinthians

[2382]1:10 [2383]1:23 [2384]2:11 [2385]2:11 [2386]2:11 [2387]2:11 [2388]2:15 [2389]2:17 [2390]2:17 [2391]3:2 [2392]3:2 [2393]3:16-17 [2394]3:17 [2395]4:10 [2396]4:10 [2397]4:11 [2398]4:11 [2399]4:11 [2400]4:11 [2401]4:13 [2402]4:14 [2403]4:17 [2404]5:4 [2405]5:10 [2406]5:13-15 [2407]5:14 [2408]5:14 [2409]5:16 [2410]5:17 [2411]5:17 [2412]5:17-18 [2413]5:19 [2414]5:21 [2415]6:1-2 [2416]6:2 [2417]6:11 [2418]6:11 [2419]6:12-13 [2420]6:14 [2421]6:14 [2422]6:14 [2423]6:14-15 [2424]6:16 [2425]6:16 [2426]6:17 [2427]7:1 [2428]7:6 [2429]10:15 [2430]11:3 [2431]11:3 [2432]11:27 [2433]11:33 [2434]12:2 [2435]12:2 [2436]12:4 [2437]12:4 [2438]12:9 [2439]12:10 [2440]12:10 [2441]12:21 [2442]13:5 [2443]13:14

Galatians

[2444]1:8-9 [2445]1:8-9 [2446]1:9 [2447]1:9 [2448]1:16 [2449]1:24 [2450]2 [2451]2:5 [2452]2:5 [2453]2:6 [2454]2:13 [2455]2:20 [2456]2:20 [2457]3:11 [2458]3:13 [2459]3:13 [2460]3:13 [2461]3:13 [2462]3:16 [2463]3:19 [2464]3:23-24 [2465]4:4 [2466]4:4 [2467]4:4 [2468]4:6 [2469]4:6 [2470]4:6 [2471]4:8 [2472]4:10 [2473]4:10-11 [2474]4:19 [2475]5:13 [2476]5:15 [2477]5:22 [2478]5:25 [2479]6:6 [2480]6:15 [2481]6:17

Ephesians

[2482]1:3 [2483]1:3-5 [2484]1:5 [2485]1:10 [2486]1:10 [2487]1:13 [2488]1:13-14 [2489]1:20 [2490]2:2 [2491]2:2 [2492]2:2 [2493]2:4-5 [2494]2:10 [2495]2:10 [2496]2:14 [2497]2:14-15 [2498]2:15 [2499]2:15-16 [2500]2:19 [2501]3:15 [2502]3:15 [2503]3:15 [2504]3:18 [2505]4:3 [2506]4:4 [2507]4:5 [2508]4:5 [2509]4:10 [2510]4:13 [2511]4:14 [2512]4:20-24 [2513]4:22 [2514]4:22-24 [2515]4:24 [2516]4:26 [2517]4:30 [2518]5:1-2 [2519]5:14 [2520]5:14 [2521]5:25 [2522]5:27 [2523]6:11 [2524]6:12 [2525]6:12 [2526]6:12 [2527]6:13 [2528]6:14 [2529]6:15 [2530]6:15

Philippians

[2531]1:13 [2532]1:29 [2533]2:5-11 [2534]2:6 [2535]2:6 [2536]2:6 [2537]2:6 [2538]2:6 [2539]2:6 [2540]2:6 [2541]2:6-7 [2542]2:6-8 [2543]2:6-8 [2544]2:7 [2545]2:7 [2546]2:7 [2547]2:8 [2548]2:9 [2549]2:9 [2550]2:9 [2551]2:9 [2552]2:9-10 [2553]2:9-10 [2554]2:9-10 [2555]2:10-11 [2556]2:11 [2557]2:26 [2558]3:13 [2559]3:13 [2560]3:13 [2561]3:13 [2562]3:14 [2563]3:14 [2564]3:14 [2565]3:14 [2566]3:14 [2567]3:15 [2568]3:20 [2569]3:20 [2570]3:21 [2571]4:5 [2572]4:6 [2573]4:12 [2574]4:13

Colossians

[2575]1:12 [2576]1:12-17 [2577]1:15 [2578]1:15 [2579]1:15 [2580]1:15 [2581]1:15 [2582]1:15 [2583]1:15 [2584]1:15 [2585]1:15 [2586]1:15 [2587]1:15 [2588]1:15 [2589]1:15 [2590]1:15-17 [2591]1:15-18 [2592]1:16 [2593]1:16 [2594]1:16 [2595]1:16 [2596]1:16 [2597]1:16 [2598]1:16 [2599]1:16 [2600]1:17 [2601]1:17 [2602]1:17 [2603]1:17 [2604]1:18 [2605]1:18 [2606]1:18 [2607]1:20 [2608]2 [2609]2 [2610]2:3 [2611]2:5 [2612]2:9 [2613]2:9 [2614]2:9 [2615]2:14 [2616]2:15 [2617]2:15 [2618]2:15 [2619]3:4 [2620]3:5 [2621]3:5 [2622]3:5 [2623]3:5 [2624]3:17 [2625]4:6

1 Thessalonians

[2626]2:19 [2627]3:11 [2628]4:13 [2629]5:16-17 [2630]5:16-18 [2631]5:17 [2632]5:17 [2633]5:17 [2634]5:17 [2635]5:18 [2636]5:18 [2637]5:18 [2638]5:19 [2639]5:23 [2640]5:24

2 Thessalonians

[2641]2:1 [2642]2:1-2 [2643]2:3 [2644]2:4 [2645]2:8 [2646]2:8 [2647]2:8 [2648]3:10

1 Timothy

[2649]1:4 [2650]1:7 [2651]1:7 [2652]1:7 [2653]1:7 [2654]1:8 [2655]1:10 [2656]1:15 [2657]1:17 [2658]1:17 [2659]1:19 [2660]1:19 [2661]1:19 [2662]1:20 [2663]2:5 [2664]2:7 [2665]2:7 [2666]2:7 [2667]2:9 [2668]3:2 [2669]3:2 [2670]3:8 [2671]3:16 [2672]3:16 [2673]3:16 [2674]4:1 [2675]4:1 [2676]4:1 [2677]4:1-2 [2678]4:2 [2679]4:4 [2680]4:6 [2681]4:6 [2682]4:7 [2683]4:7 [2684]4:7-8 [2685]4:7-8 [2686]4:12 [2687]4:14 [2688]4:14 [2689]4:14 [2690]4:15 [2691]5:16 [2692]5:23 [2693]6:5 [2694]6:5 [2695]6:10 [2696]6:15

2 Timothy

[2697]1:8-10 [2698]1:10 [2699]1:10 [2700]1:13 [2701]2:8 [2702]2:8 [2703]2:13 [2704]2:14 [2705]2:16-17 [2706]2:17 [2707]2:17 [2708]2:17-18 [2709]2:18 [2710]2:18 [2711]2:19 [2712]3:8 [2713]3:11 [2714]3:11 [2715]3:12 [2716]3:12 [2717]3:12 [2718]3:13 [2719]3:14 [2720]3:14 [2721]3:15 [2722]3:16 [2723]3:17 [2724]4:2 [2725]4:6 [2726]4:7 [2727]4:7-8 [2728]4:8

Titus

[2729]1:8 [2730]1:12 [2731]1:13 [2732]1:14 [2733]1:14 [2734]1:15 [2735]2:2 [2736]2:8 [2737]2:13-14 [2738]3:8 [2739]3:10-11 [2740]3:10-11 [2741]3:11

Philemon

[2742]1:10

Hebrews

[2743]1:1-2 [2744]1:1-2 [2745]1:2 [2746]1:2 [2747]1:2 [2748]1:3 [2749]1:3 [2750]1:3 [2751]1:3 [2752]1:3 [2753]1:3 [2754]1:3 [2755]1:3 [2756]1:3 [2757]1:3 [2758]1:3 [2759]1:3 [2760]1:3 [2761]1:3 [2762]1:3 [2763]1:3 [2764]1:3-4 [2765]1:4 [2766]1:4 [2767]1:4 [2768]1:4 [2769]1:4 [2770]1:4 [2771]1:4 [2772]1:4 [2773]1:4 [2774]1:6 [2775]1:6 [2776]1:6 [2777]1:6 [2778]1:6 [2779]1:7 [2780]1:10 [2781]1:12 [2782]1:14 [2783]2:1-3 [2784]2:7 [2785]2:9 [2786]2:9 [2787]2:10 [2788]2:12 [2789]2:14 [2790]2:14 [2791]2:14 [2792]2:14 [2793]2:14-15 [2794]2:14-18 [2795]2:15 [2796]2:15 [2797]2:16 [2798]2:16 [2799]3:1-2 [2800]3:2 [2801]3:2 [2802]3:2 [2803]3:2 [2804]3:2 [2805]3:2 [2806]3:2 [2807]3:5-6 [2808]3:6 [2809]4:12 [2810]4:12 [2811]4:12 [2812]4:12-13 [2813]4:12-13 [2814]4:14 [2815]5:13 [2816]5:14 [2817]5:14 [2818]6:4 [2819]6:18 [2820]6:20 [2821]6:20 [2822]7:19 [2823]7:19 [2824]7:22 [2825]8:3 [2826]9:1 [2827]9:5 [2828]9:10 [2829]9:10 [2830]9:10 [2831]9:13 [2832]9:14 [2833]9:26 [2834]9:26 [2835]9:26 [2836]9:26 [2837]9:26 [2838]9:27 [2839]10:1 [2840]10:20 [2841]10:20 [2842]10:20 [2843]10:20 [2844]10:24 [2845]10:29 [2846]11:3 [2847]11:3 [2848]11:3 [2849]11:6 [2850]11:6 [2851]11:16 [2852]11:17 [2853]11:32 [2854]11:37-38 [2855]12:1 [2856]12:18-23 [2857]12:23 [2858]12:29 [2859]13:4 [2860]13:4 [2861]13:8 [2862]13:8 [2863]13:8 [2864]13:8 [2865]13:8 [2866]13:8 [2867]13:14

James

[2868]1:2 [2869]1:8 [2870]1:12 [2871]1:14 [2872]1:17 [2873]1:18 [2874]1:20 [2875]1:21 [2876]2:7 [2877]5:13

1 Peter

[2878]1:7 [2879]1:12 [2880]1:13 [2881]1:25 [2882]2:21-23 [2883]2:22 [2884]2:23 [2885]2:24 [2886]2:24 [2887]2:24 [2888]3:19 [2889]3:22 [2890]4:1 [2891]4:1 [2892]4:1 [2893]4:1 [2894]4:19 [2895]5:8 [2896]5:8 [2897]5:8

2 Peter

[2898]1:4 [2899]1:4 [2900]1:4 [2901]1:4 [2902]1:4 [2903]1:4 [2904]1:17 [2905]2:22 [2906]2:22 [2907]2:22 [2908]3:16

1 John

[2909]1:1 [2910]1:1-2 [2911]2:7 [2912]2:13 [2913]2:20 [2914]2:23 [2915]2:23 [2916]3:2 [2917]3:5 [2918]3:8 [2919]3:8 [2920]3:24 [2921]3:24 [2922]4:1 [2923]4:1 [2924]4:9 [2925]4:13 [2926]4:15 [2927]5:20 [2928]5:20 [2929]5:20 [2930]5:20 [2931]5:20

2 John

[2932]1:10 [2933]1:10

Revelation

[2934]1:4 [2935]1:5 [2936]1:8 [2937]1:8 [2938]3:14 [2939]3:14 [2940]4:8 [2941]8:9 [2942]18:6 [2943]19:13 [2944]22:9 [2945]22:13-17

Tobit

[2946]4:18 [2947]12:7

Judith

[2948]9 [2949]13:8 [2950]15

Wisdom of Solomon

[2951]1:5 [2952]1:11 [2953]1:11 [2954]2:12 [2955]2:12 [2956]2:21 [2957]2:23 [2958]3:57 [2959]6:18 [2960]6:24 [2961]7:25 [2962]7:25 [2963]7:25 [2964]7:25 [2965]7:27 [2966]7:27 [2967]9:2 [2968]13:5 [2969]13:5 [2970]14:12 [2971]14:12 [2972]14:12 [2973]14:21

Baruch

[2974]3:12 [2975]3:12 [2976]3:12 [2977]3:35 [2978]3:37 [2979]4:20 [2980]4:22 [2981]6

1 Esdras

[2982]4:36 [2983]4:40 [2984]4:41

2 Esdras

[2985]7:28-29

Sirach

[2986]1:9-10 [2987]1:25 [2988]4:24 [2989]4:28 [2990]7:5 [2991]7:5 [2992]15:9 [2993]15:9 [2994]18:17 [2995]30:4 __________________________________________________________________

Index of Greek Words and Phrases

* aidia: [2996]1 [2997]2 * aidion gennema: [2998]1 * aidios: [2999]1 * agape ex agapes: [3000]1 * agapen patros: [3001]1 * agen: [3002]1 * ageneton: [3003]1 [3004]2 [3005]3 [3006]4 [3007]5 [3008]6 [3009]7 [3010]8 [3011]9 [3012]10 [3013]11 * agenetos: [3014]1 [3015]2 [3016]3 [3017]4 [3018]5 [3019]6 [3020]7 [3021]8 [3022]9 [3023]10 [3024]11 [3025]12 [3026]13 [3027]14 [3028]15 [3029]16 [3030]17 * agenneton: [3031]1 [3032]2 [3033]3 [3034]4 [3035]5 * agennetos: [3036]1 [3037]2 [3038]3 [3039]4 [3040]5 [3041]6 [3042]7 [3043]8 [3044]9 * agennetos, (ho Theos: [3045]1 * agen[n]etos: [3046]1 * agathotetos: [3047]1 * agathou patros agathon boulema: [3048]1 * agapen pros auton achoriston kai ouk aphosioumenen: [3049]1 * angelon men parabanton, anthropon de parakousanton: [3050]1 * angen: [3051]1 * ageneton: [3052]1 * agennetos: [3053]1 * agennesia: [3054]1 [3055]2 * agennetogenes: [3056]1 * agentiseribous: [3057]1 * agora: [3058]1 * adeos: [3059]1 * adelphoi: [3060]1 * adialeiptos agape: [3061]1 * adiaireton, anarchon, aeigenes: [3062]1 * aei ho theos, aei ho hui& 231;s hama pater, hama hui& 231;s: [3063]1 * aei gennatai ho soter hupo tou patros: [3064]1 * aei men prophaseis: [3065]1 * aeigennes: [3066]1 * aeipais: [3067]1 * atheotetos: [3068]1 [3069]2 * atheias: [3070]1 * akathekon, apoxenizein, epakouein: [3071]1 * akeraion: [3072]1 * akoas: [3073]1 * akoas buei: [3074]1 * akousios: [3075]1 * aletheia, logos: [3076]1 * alethos: [3077]1 [3078]2 * alethos Eusebie: [3079]1 * alethos, phusikos, kurios: [3080]1 * alethos eusebie: [3081]1 * all' ha: [3082]1 * all' epedemesen ho Kurios hemon 'Iesous Christos lutroumenos tous aichmalotous, kai zoopoion tous tethanatomenous: [3083]1 * alloioumenos: [3084]1 * alogian: [3085]1 * alogias: [3086]1 * ameristos en memerismenois he theotes: [3087]1 * ana tas exodous: [3088]1 * anexodoi: [3089]1 * aner atheos: [3090]1 * anomoion: [3091]1 * anomoios: [3092]1 [3093]2 * anomoios kata panta: [3094]1 * anomon: [3095]1 * anabas: [3096]1 * anakerasthomen: [3097]1 * anakephalaiosis: [3098]1 [3099]2 * anaktisai: [3100]1 * anaktisai ta hola, huper panton, pathein: [3101]1 * anarithmeton plethos: [3102]1 * anastas: [3103]1 * anaphurei heauton hemin: [3104]1 * anexodon: [3105]1 * anepimiktoi: [3106]1 * anepimiktoi: [3107]1 [3108]2 * anergastou ges: [3109]1 * anth' hemon ten opheilen apodidous: [3110]1 * anthropinon: [3111]1 * anthropous atheous: [3112]1 * anomoiotes: [3113]1 * anousiou, anupostatou: [3114]1 * anti panton: [3115]1 * antidosis: [3116]1 * antipsuchon: [3117]1 * antimachomenoi to soteri: [3118]1 * anupostatos logos: [3119]1 * apartisma aphtharsias: [3120]1 * aperitton: [3121]1 * apo tes nun hupateias: [3122]1 * apo& 207;rhoia: [3123]1 * aparallakton: [3124]1 [3125]2 * aparallakton eikona: [3126]1 * aparallaktos: [3127]1 [3128]2 * aparallaktos eikon kat' ousian: [3129]1 * aparallaktos eikon: [3130]1 * aparallaktos homoios: [3131]1 * aparallaktos eikon, apekribomene emphereia: [3132]1 * aper& 191;egmenas: [3133]1 * apexenomenas allelon kai diespasmenas: [3134]1 * apogrammon: [3135]1 * apodeixis: [3136]1 * apodeiktikos ouk apophantikos: [3137]1 * apokreos: [3138]1 * apolutos: [3139]1 * apolelumenos: [3140]1 [3141]2 * apomaphorizomenai: [3142]1 * aporiai: [3143]1 * aposunagogos: [3144]1 * argos: [3145]1 * areiomaniton: [3146]1 * arche: [3147]1 [3148]2 [3149]3 * arche hodon eis ta erga: [3150]1 * arche zoes,: [3151]1 * arche teknon: [3152]1 * arche tes ktiseos: [3153]1 * archen: [3154]1 [3155]2 * archen hodon;: [3156]1 * arche: [3157]1 [3158]2 * archomenoi tes hagias tessarakostes--episunaptontes--sunaptontes exes--: [3159]1 * arche: [3160]1 * archieresian: [3161]1 * archikai hupostaseis: [3162]1 * architektonema: [3163]1 * asebes: [3164]1 * asebemata: [3165]1 * aschematistos: [3166]1 * atele proteron, eita teleion, hosper nomos tes hemeteras geneseos: [3167]1 * auen: [3168]1 * aphtharsia: [3169]1 [3170]2 [3171]3 [3172]4 * aphthartoi dia tes anastaseos: [3173]1 * achorista pragmata duo; ho hui& 232;s ten kata panta homoioteta autou ek phuseos apomaxamenos; di' esoptrou akelidotou kai empsuchou theias eikonos; mesiteuousa phusis monogenes; tas te hupostasei duo phuseis: [3174]1 * achronos gennetheis kai pro ai& 240;non ktistheis kai themeliotheis;: [3175]1 * hagion: [3176]1 * hagneuontes: [3177]1 * hamartian, kai ou ten praxin: [3178]1 * haplos: [3179]1 * haplos, ouk haplos horisthe, all' akribos exetasthe: [3180]1 * ha thelousi prattei, epei kai autos haper ethelen ekouse par' auton: [3181]1 * ha men hos zeton kai gumnazon ergapse, tauta me hos autou phronountos dechestho tis, alla ton pros erin philoneikounton en to zetein, adeos horizon apophainetai, touto tou philoponou to phronema esti. alla: [3182]1 * angelos, huperetes: [3183]1 * agonos: [3184]1 * atheoi: [3185]1 * akarpos: [3186]1 * alle ekklesia: [3187]1 * allos ho Pater allos ho hui& 231;s: [3188]1 * aloga kata tou Logou tou Patros.: [3189]1 * alogon: [3190]1 * alogon kai asophon ton theon: [3191]1 * alogos: [3192]1 * alogos, asophos: [3193]1 * alupos anodunos amerimnos zoe: [3194]1 * amesos sunapheia: [3195]1 * anarchon kai aeigenes: [3196]1 * anthropon: [3197]1 * anthropon holon: [3198]1 * anthropos: [3199]1 [3200]2 [3201]3 [3202]4 [3203]5 [3204]6 * anthropos teleios: [3205]1 * anomos: [3206]1 * ano kai kato: [3207]1 * ano kai kato peripherontes: [3208]1 * arourai: [3209]1 * arretos: [3210]1 * artoi: [3211]1 * arche: [3212]1 * arche: [3213]1 * askes*s: [3214]1 * atreptos kai me alloioumenos: [3215]1 * aulos: [3216]1 * haper egrapsa tois monachois: [3217]1 * hate ton Kurion enoikon echousa: [3218]1 * ebdomas ton paschon: [3219]1 * ego apostello: [3220]1 * ego gar doso: [3221]1 * ego eimi ho hon: [3222]1 * engraphos: [3223]1 * engraphos exetethe: [3224]1 * egenethe: [3225]1 [3226]2 * egennethe: [3227]1 * enkuklein: [3228]1 * etheopoiese: [3229]1 * ek: [3230]1 [3231]2 * ek bouleseos tinos: [3232]1 * ek boules: [3233]1 * ek thelematos: [3234]1 * ek theou: [3235]1 * ek metaphoras: [3236]1 * ek prokopes: [3237]1 [3238]2 * ek tes homoiotetos: [3239]1 * ek tes ousias: [3240]1 [3241]2 [3242]3 [3243]4 * ek tes ousias tou patros einai, kai me ex heteras hupostaseos ton huion: [3244]1 * ek tes ousias tou patros, homoousian to Patri: [3245]1 * ek tes [hupostaseos e] ousias tou Patros: [3246]1 * ek ton idion: [3247]1 * ek tou thelematos: [3248]1 * ek tou thelematos tou Patros: [3249]1 * ek tou peritrochazein pasan aguian asemnos: [3250]1 * ekeleusan: [3251]1 * ekeinon: [3252]1 * ekklesiastikos: [3253]1 * ekporeuton: [3254]1 * ektos kat' ousian: [3255]1 * ekteinai ten manian: [3256]1 [3257]2 * ekuophorethe hupo Marias kat' oikonomian: [3258]1 * elattoma: [3259]1 * elatton para ton patera ho hui& 232;s: [3260]1 * eleutheron to phronema: [3261]1 * emphilochorein: [3262]1 * emphilochorein to theo kai endiaitasthai: [3263]1 * en: [3264]1 [3265]2 * en emoi: [3266]1 * en heauto theopoiese: [3267]1 * en iso: [3268]1 * en homoiomati anthropou: [3269]1 * en hupostasei triada: [3270]1 * en gumnasi& 139; exetasas: [3271]1 * en mono to heautou Patri holos on kata panta: [3272]1 * en memerismenois topois: [3273]1 * en sarki: [3274]1 * en te idi& 139; eikoni, hetis estin ho logos autou: [3275]1 * en to ginesthai: [3276]1 * en to logo en to pneuma: [3277]1 * en to toichi& 251;: [3278]1 * en to hui& 254;: [3279]1 * en tritai& 251; diastemati: [3280]1 * en hui& 254;: [3281]1 * enaretoi: [3282]1 * energeia: [3283]1 * energeia drastike: [3284]1 * energeia drastike: [3285]1 * energeiai: [3286]1 * enanthropesanta: [3287]1 * endiathetos: [3288]1 [3289]2 [3290]3 * enepompeusate: [3291]1 * energos: [3292]1 * energeia: [3293]1 * energei& 139;: [3294]1 * energei& 139; gennetike: [3295]1 * ennoion mallon de paranoion: [3296]1 * enousios: [3297]1 * entelletai: [3298]1 * entos humon: [3299]1 * entelletai: [3300]1 * entrepei: [3301]1 * ex heteras hupostaseos: [3302]1 [3303]2 [3304]3 [3305]4 [3306]5 * ex heteras hupostaseos e ousias: [3307]1 [3308]2 [3309]3 [3310]4 * ex heteras hupostaseos kai me ek tou theou: [3311]1 * ex heteras ousias: [3312]1 [3313]2 * ex heteras tinos hupostaseos te kai ousias: [3314]1 * ex holoklerou genous: [3315]1 * ex homilias gunaikos ou semnes oude kata nomon sunelthouses: [3316]1 * ex hupostaseos: [3317]1 [3318]2 [3319]3 [3320]4 [3321]5 [3322]6 [3323]7 [3324]8 [3325]9 * ex hupostaseos e ousias: [3326]1 * ex autes tes patrikes: [3327]1 * ex ouk onton: [3328]1 [3329]2 [3330]3 [3331]4 [3332]5 [3333]6 [3334]7 [3335]8 * ex ouk onton echei ten hupostasin: [3336]1 * ex ousias: [3337]1 [3338]2 [3339]3 [3340]4 [3341]5 [3342]6 [3343]7 [3344]8 [3345]9 [3346]10 [3347]11 [3348]12 [3349]13 [3350]14 [3351]15 [3352]16 * ex ousias tou patros: [3353]1 * ex hou echei to einai: [3354]1 * exaireton: [3355]1 * exairetou: [3356]1 * exomologoumenos en metanoia dia tou hi& 153;reos lambanei ten aphesin chariti Christou: [3357]1 * exousi& 139; homou kai ousi& 139; patros monogenous huiou: [3358]1 * epangelma: [3359]1 * epekeina pases ousias: [3360]1 * epelampse: [3361]1 * epeplette: [3362]1 * epekouse gar haplos: [3363]1 * epi ten aitian anapherestho: [3364]1 * epi ton hamaxon eisi pompeiai tines: [3365]1 * epibasis: [3366]1 [3367]2 * ep?keina ousias: [3368]1 * epakouein: [3369]1 * epakouousin: [3370]1 * epei malistai, hoti malista: [3371]1 * epetimese: [3372]1 * epibebeken: [3373]1 * epibainein: [3374]1 [3375]2 * epibainon: [3376]1 * epibaterios: [3377]1 * epibebekenai: [3378]1 * epigegone: [3379]1 * epigegonos: [3380]1 * epidemia: [3381]1 [3382]2 * epinoesantes: [3383]1 * epinoesasai: [3384]1 * epinoiais: [3385]1 * epiplettei: [3386]1 * epispeirantos tou diabolou: [3387]1 * epispeirousi, epinoousi, gonguzousi, kath' humas, atopon, lexeidion, heis ton panton: [3388]1 * episumbebekota auto: [3389]1 * epiteichisma: [3390]1 * epitima ouk atimazon alla diorthoumenos: [3391]1 * epitima: [3392]1 * epicheirema: [3393]1 [3394]2 * epicheiremata: [3395]1 * ergazomenou tou patros, ergazesthai kai ton hui& 231;n: [3396]1 * ergasias: [3397]1 * erotontes emanthanon: [3398]1 * eskenosen en hemin: [3399]1 * etarachthesan: [3400]1 * heauton aei kategoroi: [3401]1 * heautou kurios: [3402]1 * hexupereton thelemati: [3403]1 * heterogenes kai heteroousios ton geneton, kai tes tou patros ousias idios kai homophues: [3404]1 * hen thelema patros kai huiou kai boulema, epei kai he phusis mia: [3405]1 * hen men to agenneton, ho pantokrator theos, hen de kai to progennethen di' ou ta panta egeneto, kai choris autou egeneto oude hen: [3406]1 * hen to ageneton e duo: [3407]1 * hen to agenneton hen de to hup' autou alethos, kai ouk ek tes ousias autou gegonos: [3408]1 * hen te idioteti kai oikeioteti tes phuseos, kai te tautoteti tes mias theotetos: [3409]1 * egrapsa di oligon: [3410]1 * ethos esti te thei& 139; graphe: [3411]1 * ekthesis": [3412]1 * ektise: [3413]1 * emele gar autois: [3414]1 * emetoi kai nautiai` nautiai: [3415]1 * endoxon: [3416]1 * ennoia: [3417]1 * ensarkos parousia: [3418]1 * exo: [3419]1 * exothen: [3420]1 * erga: [3421]1 * ergon: [3422]1 * ergon prototokon tou patros ginetai. touton ismen tou kosmou ten archen: [3423]1 * eti de hetton to pneuma to hagion: [3424]1 * echei: [3425]1 * henos ontos eidous theotetos: [3426]1 * henosis: [3427]1 * henosis tes monadikes ousias: [3428]1 * hexin: [3429]1 * hetera anth' heteron: [3430]1 * heteron echousa to kat' ousian hupokeimenon,: [3431]1 * heteron pros heteron semainete: [3432]1 * heteros kat' ousian kai hupokeimenon: [3433]1 * heteros kat' ousian kai hupokeimenon ho hui& 232;s tou patros: [3434]1 * heteros kat' ousian tou patros: [3435]1 * heteros para ton patera: [3436]1 * egapesen, horon, k. t. l: [3437]1 * ethelesen: [3438]1 * ekousthe: [3439]1 * ephanizeto: [3440]1 * he: [3441]1 * he agennesia: [3442]1 * he anthropotes: [3443]1 * he ano Ierousalem: [3444]1 * he idea hoper logon eirekasi: [3445]1 * he hupokeimene ousia hos hule, hule: [3446]1 * he de arche agennetos: [3447]1 * he de ge anaimaktos thusia exilasmos: [3448]1 * he ktistike: [3449]1 * he ousia haute tes ousias tes patrikes esti gennema: [3450]1 * he patrike hupostasis: [3451]1 * he patrike theotes: [3452]1 * he patrike huiou theotes: [3453]1 * he tou kat' eikona charis: [3454]1 * he tou kreittonos gnosis: [3455]1 * he philarchos kai philarguros prothesis; christemporian; phrenoblabous; idiotropon; homostoichois sullabais; theegorous apostolous; & 135;ntidiastolen tes patrikes maieuseos; melancholiken; philotheos sapheneia anosiourgias; phlenaphon muthon: [3456]1 * he phusike gonimotes: [3457]1 * hegoumenos: [3458]1 * hemeis huioi, ouk hos ekeinos phusei kai aletheia: [3459]1 * e hupostaseos: [3460]1 * ede palai: [3461]1 * heko: [3462]1 [3463]2 * en hote ouk en: [3464]1 [3465]2 [3466]3 [3467]4 * en pote hote ouk en: [3468]1 * en prin gennethe: [3469]1 * idea: [3470]1 * idean ideon kai archen lekteon ton prototokon pases ktiseos: [3471]1 * idian: [3472]1 * idious: [3473]1 * idiou; theotes: [3474]1 * idios: [3475]1 * idiopoieitai: [3476]1 * idiopoioumenou: [3477]1 * idiomaton: [3478]1 * hiera anagraphe: [3479]1 * hierateion: [3480]1 * hieratikoi: [3481]1 * hieratikoi: [3482]1 * ideai: [3483]1 [3484]2 * idion: [3485]1 [3486]2 [3487]3 * idion tou Logou: [3488]1 * idios tou Patros: [3489]1 * idios hui& 232;s: [3490]1 * idios;: [3491]1 * idontes kai tous par' auton pathontas, tous kategorous, tous elenchous pro ophthalmon echontes: [3492]1 * hina genetui theia: [3493]1 * oligoi tines: [3494]1 * omoousion: [3495]1 [3496]2 [3497]3 * onomata monon: [3498]1 * opisthia: [3499]1 * organou: [3500]1 * organon apsuchon: [3501]1 * orthen echon ten dianoian: [3502]1 * ho alethos Osios. kataskopoi, ou gar episkopoi: [3503]1 * ho atheos: [3504]1 * ho anthropos: [3505]1 * ho anthr. tou soteros: [3506]1 * ho ontos theos: [3507]1 * ho on theos ton me onta ek tou me ontos: [3508]1 * ho on theos ton me onta ek tou me ontos pepoieken: [3509]1 * ho on ton onta: [3510]1 * ho on ton me onta: [3511]1 * ho on ton me onta ek tou ontos: [3512]1 * ho on ton me onta ek tou ontos e ton onta: [3513]1 * ho on: [3514]1 * ho Theos: [3515]1 * ho Kuriakos anthropus: [3516]1 * ho de 'Ar. metagrapsas dedoke tois idiois: [3517]1 * ho deuteros theos: [3518]1 * ho theos peponthen: [3519]1 * ho theos: [3520]1 * ho kreitton, ton kreittona: [3521]1 * ho ktisas: [3522]1 * ho kuriakos anthropos: [3523]1 * ho logos heauton genna: [3524]1 * ho monos legomenos kurios hui& 232;s: [3525]1 * ho nous hamartetikos esti: [3526]1 * ho panu boomenos: [3527]1 * ho soter aei gennatai: [3528]1 * ho tes aletheias logos elenchei: [3529]1 * homonumos: [3530]1 * homoias ousias: [3531]1 * homou: [3532]1 * homogenes: [3533]1 * homoioteta pos: [3534]1 * homoiousion: [3535]1 [3536]2 [3537]3 [3538]4 * homoiousion, aparallaktos eikon: [3539]1 * homoiousios: [3540]1 [3541]2 [3542]3 * homoiopathous hemin: [3543]1 * homoousioi: [3544]1 * homoousion: [3545]1 [3546]2 [3547]3 [3548]4 [3549]5 [3550]6 [3551]7 [3552]8 [3553]9 [3554]10 [3555]11 [3556]12 [3557]13 [3558]14 [3559]15 [3560]16 [3561]17 [3562]18 [3563]19 [3564]20 [3565]21 [3566]22 [3567]23 [3568]24 [3569]25 [3570]26 [3571]27 [3572]28 [3573]29 [3574]30 [3575]31 [3576]32 [3577]33 [3578]34 [3579]35 [3580]36 [3581]37 [3582]38 [3583]39 [3584]40 [3585]41 [3586]42 [3587]43 [3588]44 [3589]45 [3590]46 [3591]47 [3592]48 [3593]49 [3594]50 [3595]51 [3596]52 [3597]53 [3598]54 * homoousion e tautoousion: [3599]1 * homoousion 'Aparallakton: [3600]1 * homoousion to patri: [3601]1 * homoousion, homoiousion: [3602]1 * homoousios: [3603]1 [3604]2 [3605]3 [3606]4 [3607]5 [3608]6 [3609]7 * homo-: [3610]1 * horisthe: [3611]1 * onta: [3612]1 * onta gegenneke e ouk onta: [3613]1 * onta proteron, gennethenta eis hui& 231;n: [3614]1 * ontos: [3615]1 * ontos en humin ho theos: [3616]1 * organon: [3617]1 [3618]2 [3619]3 [3620]4 [3621]5 [3622]6 [3623]7 * organon empsuchon: [3624]1 * organon pros ten energeian kai ten eklampsin tes theotetos: [3625]1 [3626]2 * holos holou eikon: [3627]1 * holos Theos: [3628]1 * holos theos: [3629]1 * holos theos: [3630]1 [3631]2 * holou tou chriontos: [3632]1 * homoion: [3633]1 [3634]2 [3635]3 [3636]4 [3637]5 [3638]6 [3639]7 * homoion kata panta: [3640]1 [3641]2 [3642]3 * homoion kata tas graphas: [3643]1 * homoion kat' ousian: [3644]1 [3645]2 [3646]3 * homoios: [3647]1 [3648]2 [3649]3 * homoios kata panta: [3650]1 [3651]2 * homoios kata panta: [3652]1 * homoios kata ten ousian tou patros: [3653]1 * homoios kat' ousian: [3654]1 [3655]2 [3656]3 * homoios tes ousias: [3657]1 [3658]2 * homoiou kata panta: [3659]1 * hoper ego boulomai touto kanon: [3660]1 * hoper en prin genetai sarx: [3661]1 * hoson oudepo: [3662]1 [3663]2 * hotan malista: [3664]1 * hoti en pote: [3665]1 * hoti ho logos kai hoti to pneuma kai estaurothe kai esphage kai apethanen kai aneste: [3666]1 * upostaseis: [3667]1 * hugious: [3668]1 * hugiainouses didaskalias: [3669]1 * hugiainousan: [3670]1 * hugianouses: [3671]1 * hugious did: [3672]1 * humin: [3673]1 * humon: [3674]1 * huper autou: [3675]1 * hupothesis: [3676]1 [3677]2 * hupostasin, hen autoi hoi hairetikoi ousian prosagoreuousi: [3678]1 * hupostasis: [3679]1 [3680]2 [3681]3 [3682]4 [3683]5 [3684]6 [3685]7 [3686]8 [3687]9 [3688]10 [3689]11 [3690]12 [3691]13 [3692]14 [3693]15 [3694]16 [3695]17 [3696]18 [3697]19 [3698]20 [3699]21 [3700]22 [3701]23 [3702]24 [3703]25 [3704]26 [3705]27 [3706]28 [3707]29 [3708]30 [3709]31 [3710]32 [3711]33 [3712]34 [3713]35 [3714]36 [3715]37 * hupostasis tou logou: [3716]1 * hupo, monon: [3717]1 * hup' opsei panton: [3718]1 * hupakouein: [3719]1 * hupakouon: [3720]1 * hupekrinanto: [3721]1 * huper: [3722]1 * huperaulon: [3723]1 * hupera& 203;lon: [3724]1 * huperekeina pases ousias: [3725]1 * huperaulos: [3726]1 * huperoche: [3727]1 * huperphues: [3728]1 * huperetes: [3729]1 * hupereton: [3730]1 * hupereton te boule: [3731]1 * huperetounta: [3732]1 * hupourgos: [3733]1 * hupodekten: [3734]1 * hupokrites: [3735]1 * hupopiazo: [3736]1 * hupostasei: [3737]1 [3738]2 * hupostaseis: [3739]1 [3740]2 * hupostaseos: [3741]1 [3742]2 * hupostemati: [3743]1 * hupotage: [3744]1 * hupourgon teleiotaton: [3745]1 * hule: [3746]1 * huparxis: [3747]1 * onomasthe: [3748]1 * homoiothe kata panta: [3749]1 * hos anthropous atheous: [3750]1 * hos an tous apeirous tais platonikais kalliphoniai peribombeseien: [3751]1 * hos ethelesen, haper ethelesan, hotan thelosin, ous ethelesan: [3752]1 * hos epi somatos henos: [3753]1 * hos ethelesan: [3754]1 [3755]2 * hos ethelesen: [3756]1 [3757]2 [3758]3 * hos he sophia tou sophou hui& 232;s, ousia ousias: [3759]1 * hos autoi thelousi: [3760]1 * hos autoi thelousi': [3761]1 * hos de ezeteito tes pisteos ho tropos: [3762]1 * hos despotes epitima: [3763]1 * hos dia cheiros: [3764]1 * hos hoi& 231;n te en: [3765]1 * hos tous gigantas: [3766]1 * hora: [3767]1 [3768]2 * hosper ex haluseo: [3769]1 * hosper kanoni chresamenoi prosechomen te anagnosei tes theopneustou graphes: [3770]1 * on mia energeia, touton kai ousia mia: [3771]1 * hon an etheloi: [3772]1 * he logos esti: [3773]1 * 'Autoi: [3774]1 * 'Ar& 191;abon: [3775]1 * 'Alexandreus to genei, aner logios, dunatos on en tais graphais: [3776]1 * 'Anomoion: [3777]1 * 'Anomoios kat' ousian: [3778]1 * 'Ares areie: [3779]1 * 'Areiomanitai: [3780]1 [3781]2 * 'Archai: [3782]1 * 'En te palaia: [3783]1 * 'Epikteton tina: [3784]1 * 'Onesimon, ton pote soi achreston, nuni de euchreston: [3785]1 * Alogos: [3786]1 * Anthropos: [3787]1 [3788]2 [3789]3 * Atreptos: [3790]1 * Echon oun ho theos ton heautou logon endiatheton en tois idiois splanchnois, egennesen auton meta tes heautou sophias exereuxamenos pro ton holon...hopote de ethelesen ho theos poiesai hosa ebouleusato, touton ton logon egennese prophorikon, prototokon pases ktiseos: [3791]1 * rhupon: [3792]1 * rhusin: [3793]1 * rhema: [3794]1 [3795]2 * rhantizomenon: [3796]1 * rheuste: [3797]1 * rhematia.: [3798]1 * rhupose: [3799]1 * Ermeian louonta tous anexodous: [3800]1 * Ermeneia: [3801]1 * Ieros: [3802]1 * O Pater en to Uio ton panton ten pronoian poieitai: [3803]1 * O logos en pros ton Theon, kai Theos en ho Logos: [3804]1 * Omoiousios: [3805]1 * Omoousion: [3806]1 * Up: [3807]1 * to kat' eikona': [3808]1 * Augoustou tou aioniou: [3809]1 * Archiepiskopos: [3810]1 * Ballesthosan para panton: [3811]1 * Diatomitai: [3812]1 * Didache ton ib' apostolon: [3813]1 * Eite oun philosopheteon eite me philosopheteon, philosopheteon: [3814]1 * Eipon, kai: [3815]1 * Zephurinon andra idioten kai apeiron ton ekklesiastikon horon: [3816]1 * Thee: [3817]1 * Theos: [3818]1 * Kurion: [3819]1 * Kurion 'Iesoun: [3820]1 * Logoi: [3821]1 * Logos: [3822]1 [3823]2 [3824]3 [3825]4 * Logos apo siges proelthon: [3826]1 * Mian phusin tou Logou sesarkomenen: [3827]1 * Monos: [3828]1 * Meta de tauta, ou pollais hemerais husteron: [3829]1 * Monas: [3830]1 [3831]2 [3832]3 * Mone: [3833]1 * Omoousion: [3834]1 * Omoousios to Patri, ek tes ousias tou Patros: [3835]1 * Or: [3836]1 * Parthenon: [3837]1 * Peri agalmaton: [3838]1 * Stuloi: [3839]1 * Sunkatabenai: [3840]1 * Scholastikos: [3841]1 * Tanis: [3842]1 * Teleios: [3843]1 * Ton de ginomenon archegon kai sumboulon kai ergaten egenna logon, hon logon echon en heauto a& 231;raton te onta to ktizomeno, kosmo, horaton poiei; proteran phonen phthengomenos, kai phos ek photos gennon, proeken te ktisei kurion: [3844]1 * Trias: [3845]1 * Trias de estin ouch heos onomatos monon...alla alethei& 139; kai huparxei trias...eipatosan palin...trias estin e duas: [3846]1 * Trias: [3847]1 * Triberon: [3848]1 * Tropikoi: [3849]1 * Charakter: [3850]1 * Christos: [3851]1 * Christophoros: [3852]1 * a: [3853]1 [3854]2 [3855]3 * aitia tes theotetos: [3856]1 * aionotoke: [3857]1 * ai& 240;nios: [3858]1 [3859]2 * hai men gar kata nomon: [3860]1 * ainigma: [3861]1 * aion: [3862]1 * auton anti sporas sullabousa ton logon, kekueke: [3863]1 * autos: [3864]1 * autos tou patros thelema: [3865]1 * autotheos: [3866]1 * autotheos, autoagathos, alethinos theos: [3867]1 * auton: [3868]1 * autos te kai: [3869]1 * auton: [3870]1 * autou: [3871]1 * autozoen kai autoagathon: [3872]1 * autozoe: [3873]1 * autokatakritos: [3874]1 * autoprosopos: [3875]1 * autosophia: [3876]1 * akarie: [3877]1 * b: [3878]1 [3879]2 [3880]3 [3881]4 * balletai: [3882]1 * belon: [3883]1 * beltiosei praxeos: [3884]1 * beltiousthai: [3885]1 * beteranos: [3886]1 * blepontes: [3887]1 * blepon humon ten taxin: [3888]1 * blaptomenos: [3889]1 * boulesin: [3890]1 * boulesis: [3891]1 * bouletai: [3892]1 * boule: [3893]1 * boule: [3894]1 * boulen: [3895]1 * bouletheis: [3896]1 * g: [3897]1 [3898]2 [3899]3 [3900]4 * genesthai: [3901]1 * genesis: [3902]1 * geneta: [3903]1 * genetos: [3904]1 [3905]2 * gennema: [3906]1 * gennema, all' ouk hos hen ton gennematon: [3907]1 * gennesis: [3908]1 [3909]2 [3910]3 [3911]4 [3912]5 [3913]6 [3914]7 [3915]8 [3916]9 [3917]10 [3918]11 [3919]12 [3920]13 [3921]14 [3922]15 [3923]16 [3924]17 [3925]18 [3926]19 [3927]20 [3928]21 [3929]22 [3930]23 [3931]24 [3932]25 * gennetos: [3933]1 [3934]2 * genos: [3935]1 * gigantas theomachountas: [3936]1 * gigas: [3937]1 * ginesthai: [3938]1 * ginetai: [3939]1 * gegennesthai: [3940]1 * gegonenai: [3941]1 [3942]2 * genesthai: [3943]1 * genomenon: [3944]1 * genomenos: [3945]1 * geneta: [3946]1 * geneta: [3947]1 [3948]2 * geneton: [3949]1 * genetos: [3950]1 * geneton: [3951]1 * genetos: [3952]1 [3953]2 [3954]3 * genetes: [3955]1 * genetes ousias: [3956]1 * geneton: [3957]1 * gennethenta: [3958]1 * gennasthai: [3959]1 * gennethenta: [3960]1 [3961]2 * gennethenta e poiethenta: [3962]1 [3963]2 * gennesis: [3964]1 * genneta: [3965]1 [3966]2 * gennete: [3967]1 * genneton: [3968]1 * gennetos: [3969]1 * gennetos: [3970]1 * gennetikos: [3971]1 * gnesios: [3972]1 * gnosis: [3973]1 [3974]2 [3975]3 [3976]4 * goraion: [3977]1 * gpostasis: [3978]1 * gramma: [3979]1 * g. ou poiethenta: [3980]1 * de hos: [3981]1 * despota: [3982]1 * ditheoi este: [3983]1 * dunamin de mian: [3984]1 * dunamis: [3985]1 [3986]2 [3987]3 * dunamis kuriou: [3988]1 * dunamis logos: [3989]1 * duo achorista pragmata: [3990]1 * duo te hupostasei pragmata hen de te homonoi& 139; kai te tautoteti tou boulematos: [3991]1 * delon an eie: [3992]1 [3993]2 * doron tou theou to pneuma: [3994]1 * daimones: [3995]1 * dexion: [3996]1 * despoten: [3997]1 * despotes: [3998]1 * deutera ousia: [3999]1 * deuteraiou: [4000]1 * deutereuon theos: [4001]1 * dechestho tis: [4002]1 * demiourgema: [4003]1 * demiourgos: [4004]1 * dia: [4005]1 [4006]2 * dia pathous: [4007]1 * dia ta polla ginetai polla: [4008]1 * dia toutou: [4009]1 [4010]2 * diabolos: [4011]1 * diathesis: [4012]1 * dianoian: [4013]1 * dianoian, epinoian: [4014]1 * diorthosis: [4015]1 * di' entuchias gunaikarion atakton ha epatesan: [4016]1 * di' heterou tinos: [4017]1 * diairousin: [4018]1 * diar& 191;agosin: [4019]1 * diar& 191;eguosin heautous: [4020]1 * diar& 191;egnuontai: [4021]1 [4022]2 * diar& 191;egnuosin heautous;: [4023]1 * diaballon: [4024]1 * diabeblemai: [4025]1 * diaboliken: [4026]1 * diabolikoi: [4027]1 * diathesei: [4028]1 * dialelumenos: [4029]1 * diameine: [4030]1 * diameinomen: [4031]1 * diameinosin: [4032]1 * dianoias: [4033]1 * dianoi& 139;: [4034]1 * diataxeis: [4035]1 [4036]2 [4037]3 * diatage: [4038]1 * digamois: [4039]1 * digamia: [4040]1 * digunaiois: [4041]1 * didaskontos peri tou patros: [4042]1 * didachai: [4043]1 * dieblethen: [4044]1 * dielein: [4045]1 * diephtharmene: [4046]1 * dte ouk en; & 234;ti prin gennethenai ouk en; & 234;ti ex ouk onton egeneto: [4047]1 * dunamei kai boule autou: [4048]1 * dunamei te kai energei& 139; pater: [4049]1 * dunameon: [4050]1 * dunamei: [4051]1 * dunasteia: [4052]1 * dorodokoi: [4053]1 * ei agonos kai anenergetos: [4054]1 * ei de theos ho hui& 232;s, ouk epei hui& 231;s; homoios kai ho pater, ouk epei pater, theos; all' epei ousia toiade, heis esti pater kai ho hui& 232;s theos: [4055]1 * eidolon atheoteta: [4056]1 * eikon: [4057]1 [4058]2 * eikon esti chronos to agennato chrono, hon aiona potagoreuomes: [4059]1 * eis archen anapheretai: [4060]1 * eis apeiron: [4061]1 [4062]2 * eis ta erga: [4063]1 * eis to einai: [4064]1 * ei tines kai alloi: [4065]1 * ei tis choris gnomes: [4066]1 * eidous: [4067]1 * eikon, sphragis, boule, energeia: [4068]1 * eis ti chorion ekrupteto: [4069]1 * eite archen eite archas: [4070]1 * eidos: [4071]1 [4072]2 [4073]3 [4074]4 [4075]5 [4076]6 [4077]7 [4078]8 [4079]9 [4080]10 [4081]11 [4082]12 [4083]13 [4084]14 * eidos;: [4085]1 * einai: [4086]1 * heis ton askeon: [4087]1 * euangelikos horos: [4088]1 * eugenous: [4089]1 * eusebeia: [4090]1 * eusebeia, asebeia: [4091]1 [4092]2 * eusebeia, asebountes: [4093]1 * eusebeias: [4094]1 * heuriskei: [4095]1 * eotera: [4096]1 * zon organon: [4097]1 * zon kai huphestos kai tou patros huparchon ektos.: [4098]1 * zon logos: [4099]1 * zoon epistemes dektikon: [4100]1 * zosa energeia: [4101]1 * zosa ischus: [4102]1 * zosa boule: [4103]1 [4104]2 * zosa dunamis: [4105]1 * zosa eikon: [4106]1 * zosa sophia: [4107]1 * zetein: [4108]1 * zoe: [4109]1 [4110]2 * zoen idian echon: [4111]1 * thanatos: [4112]1 * thea neotera: [4113]1 * thelema: [4114]1 [4115]2 * thelesis: [4116]1 * thuos: [4117]1 * thar& 191;ountes: [4118]1 * theanthropos: [4119]1 * theia: [4120]1 * theon kata phusin teleion kai alethe: [4121]1 * theon ton: [4122]1 * theos en sarki: [4123]1 * theos diphues: [4124]1 * theon: [4125]1 * theopneusta: [4126]1 * theos: [4127]1 [4128]2 * theotes: [4129]1 * theotetos: [4130]1 * theandrike energeia: [4131]1 * thelemati kai boule hupeste: [4132]1 * thelemati propeda ho logos: [4133]1 * thelesei: [4134]1 [4135]2 * thelesei gennethen: [4136]1 * theleges esti: [4137]1 * thelema ousiodes: [4138]1 * theoi: [4139]1 * theoi kata charin: [4140]1 * theoi: [4141]1 [4142]2 * theoumetha: [4143]1 * theou en soma: [4144]1 * theou doron: [4145]1 * theousthai: [4146]1 * theogonia: [4147]1 * theologon: [4148]1 * theologein: [4149]1 * theologoumenos: [4150]1 * theomachoi: [4151]1 [4152]2 [4153]3 [4154]4 * theomachos: [4155]1 * theomachos glossa: [4156]1 * theomachein: [4157]1 * theomachein, theomachoi: [4158]1 * theopoieisthai: [4159]1 * theopoiethomen: [4160]1 * theostugeis: [4161]1 [4162]2 [4163]3 * theotokon: [4164]1 * theotokos: [4165]1 [4166]2 [4167]3 [4168]4 [4169]5 [4170]6 * theotokou: [4171]1 [4172]2 [4173]3 * theophoroumetha: [4174]1 * theophoroumenous: [4175]1 * therapeuein: [4176]1 * theothen holon: [4177]1 * theoria ton theion: [4178]1 * thnetoi: [4179]1 * thrulletai phonai, lexeis, epe, rheta: [4180]1 * thrullountes: [4181]1 * thusia: [4182]1 * th. en somati: [4183]1 * katharsis proeortios: [4184]1 * kalumma: [4185]1 * kerdos tes philochrematias: [4186]1 * koptousin heautous: [4187]1 * kurios: [4188]1 [4189]2 * kai eboulomen men siope....epeide de....ananken eschon: [4190]1 * kai diar& 191;agoien: [4191]1 * kai malista: [4192]1 * kai me ek tou theou: [4193]1 * kai ta: [4194]1 * kai to soma: [4195]1 * kairos: [4196]1 * kath' heauton ousiomenos: [4197]1 * katholikos: [4198]1 * kainoi: [4199]1 * kakonoian: [4200]1 * kalos anaginoskein: [4201]1 * kanon: [4202]1 * kanon: [4203]1 * kanali& 251; etoi parodo: [4204]1 * karpogonon: [4205]1 * karpogonos: [4206]1 * karpogonos he ousia: [4207]1 * kata boulesin: [4208]1 * kata gnomen kai proairesin: [4209]1 * kata gnomen kai proairesin bouletheis ho theos; ek tes tou patros boules kai dunameos: [4210]1 * kata katalepsin: [4211]1 * kata mimesin: [4212]1 * kata panta: [4213]1 * kata panta homoion: [4214]1 * kata panta kai en pasi: [4215]1 * kata ten autou mimesin: [4216]1 * kata ten dunamin: [4217]1 * kata ten proteran genesin en to 'Adam: [4218]1 * kata ten tou theou eikona: [4219]1 * kata to boulema: [4220]1 [4221]2 [4222]3 * kata tes eid;: [4223]1 * kata tous mutheuomenous gigantas: [4224]1 * kata tou puros: [4225]1 * kata tou puros kata: [4226]1 * kata phusin: [4227]1 * kata charin: [4228]1 * kata ti theoroumenon: [4229]1 * katalepsis: [4230]1 [4231]2 * katalusis: [4232]1 * kat' epinoian: [4233]1 [4234]2 [4235]3 [4236]4 * kat' autou tes ampelou ten phulaken para tou soteros epitetrammenou ten manian exeteine, legomen de tes ses hosiotetos: [4237]1 * kat' eikona charis: [4238]1 * kat' eudokian: [4239]1 * kat' oikonomian: [4240]1 [4241]2 [4242]3 * kat' ousian: [4243]1 [4244]2 * kat' ousian aparallaktos eikon: [4245]1 * kat' ousian esti theos: [4246]1 * kat' ousian homoios: [4247]1 * kat' ousian hui& 232;n tou Theou kai patros,: [4248]1 * katabole kosmou: [4249]1 * katapetasma: [4250]1 * kataskopou, ouk episkopos: [4251]1 * katachrontai: [4252]1 * katachrestikos: [4253]1 [4254]2 [4255]3 * keleuontos: [4256]1 * keleuon: [4257]1 * kenothenai tou einai aei: [4258]1 * kephalaion: [4259]1 * kephalaion tes pisteos: [4260]1 * kechreostemenen: [4261]1 * kedemonias: [4262]1 * kinesei: [4263]1 * koinon: [4264]1 * koinonia photi: [4265]1 * kratesei tes homologias tes pisteos: [4266]1 * kratesai tou theiou: [4267]1 * krataia cheir tou patros: [4268]1 * kratouse: [4269]1 * kratouse pistei: [4270]1 * ktizein, poiein, demiourgein: [4271]1 * ktisis: [4272]1 * ktisma: [4273]1 * ktisma ho hui& 231;s: [4274]1 * ktismata: [4275]1 * ktiston kai themelioton kai genneton: [4276]1 * kuliomenoi: [4277]1 * kurios: [4278]1 [4279]2 [4280]3 [4281]4 [4282]5 [4283]6 [4284]7 [4285]8 [4286]9 [4287]10 [4288]11 * kurios kai protos: [4289]1 * kurios logos: [4290]1 * kurios hui& 231;s: [4291]1 * kurionumos: [4292]1 * kuriotaton: [4293]1 * kuriake: [4294]1 [4295]2 * kuriakon deipnon: [4296]1 * kuriakos anthropos: [4297]1 [4298]2 * kuriologein: [4299]1 [4300]2 * legei: [4301]1 * logoi: [4302]1 [4303]2 [4304]3 [4305]4 * logos: [4306]1 [4307]2 [4308]3 [4309]4 [4310]5 [4311]6 [4312]7 [4313]8 [4314]9 [4315]10 * logos apo siges proelthon: [4316]1 * logos archiereus: [4317]1 * logos en s.: [4318]1 * logos en to theo ateles, gennetheis teleios: [4319]1 * logos en to pneumati eplatte to soma: [4320]1 * logos endiathetos: [4321]1 [4322]2 * logos gnoseos: [4323]1 * logos protos: [4324]1 * logos prophorikos: [4325]1 * logos prophorikos: [4326]1 * logos sophias: [4327]1 * logos spermatikos: [4328]1 * logos phusikos: [4329]1 * logosis: [4330]1 * lutron katharsion: [4331]1 * lutron panton: [4332]1 * laura: [4333]1 * laubanontes par' auton to lemma: [4334]1 * lexeidia: [4335]1 * llenike chresis: [4336]1 * louonta: [4337]1 * logisasthai tina boulesin: [4338]1 * logika: [4339]1 * logikos on: [4340]1 * logikoi: [4341]1 * logiste: [4342]1 * logothetai: [4343]1 * logomachein meletesantes, kai loipon pneumatomachountes, esontai met' oligon nekroi te alogi& 139;: [4344]1 * logotheises tes sarkos: [4345]1 * logotheises tes sarkos: [4346]1 * loipon: [4347]1 * l. en som: [4348]1 * magistros: [4349]1 * magistros ekei: [4350]1 * mathema: [4351]1 * memphetai: [4352]1 * me phantasi& 139; all' alethos: [4353]1 * me: [4354]1 * mete ten horismenen para tes Pronoias krisin prolambanein: [4355]1 * mian ten theoteta kai to idion tes ousias tou patros: [4356]1 * monos ek monou: [4357]1 * monos en mono: [4358]1 * monos hupo monou: [4359]1 * monos gennetheis: [4360]1 * monos gennetos en tois genetois: [4361]1 * monos monon: [4362]1 * monos para: [4363]1 * monos ouch hos ta somata: [4364]1 * monos,: [4365]1 * menas pente: [4366]1 * mathon edidaxe: [4367]1 * mathon edidasken: [4368]1 * mathon edidasken: [4369]1 * makran apephugon: [4370]1 * manikoteron: [4371]1 * manteuomenos kai progignoskon: [4372]1 * mart: [4373]1 * maphorion: [4374]1 * megale: [4375]1 * meinen: [4376]1 * mem: [4377]1 * memerismenai: [4378]1 * memerismenai hupostaseis: [4379]1 * memerismenas: [4380]1 * mesiteuousa phusis monogenes: [4381]1 [4382]2 [4383]3 * meta thallon; phallon: [4384]1 * meta paratereseos: [4385]1 * metechein: [4386]1 * metechesthai: [4387]1 * met' eusebeias: [4388]1 * metaxu tes tou agen[n]etou kai tes ton geneton phuseos: [4389]1 * metousias, hosper apo peges, ep' auton procheomenes pleroumenon: [4390]1 * metoche: [4391]1 * med' allote allen k.t.l: [4392]1 * mounos e& 241;n agapetos: [4393]1 * monas: [4394]1 * mone: [4395]1 * mone: [4396]1 [4397]2 * monen: [4398]1 * monotes: [4399]1 * monai: [4400]1 [4401]2 * monasterion: [4402]1 * monachoi: [4403]1 * mono: [4404]1 * monogenes: [4405]1 * monogenes: [4406]1 [4407]2 [4408]3 [4409]4 * monogenes Theos: [4410]1 * monogenes theos: [4411]1 * monogenes proteuon en te ktisei: [4412]1 * monogenes: [4413]1 * monogene: [4414]1 * monoousion kai ouch homoousion: [4415]1 * monoousios: [4416]1 * moousion: [4417]1 * morphe: [4418]1 * mustikotera cheirotonia: [4419]1 * n: [4420]1 [4421]2 * nea Isis echrematize: [4422]1 * nothois hosper onomasi: [4423]1 * nomo phuseos: [4424]1 * nun genomenon: [4425]1 * nun de kai diaballein tous pateras tetolmekasi: [4426]1 * neumata: [4427]1 * neoteron: [4428]1 * neuma: [4429]1 * neaniskos, O de 'Iesous emblepsas auto, egapesen auton: [4430]1 * neanieuesthe: [4431]1 * nn: [4432]1 * noei: [4433]1 * nomizomene: [4434]1 * nuktomachias te ouden apeiche ta ginomena: [4435]1 * xenas allelon pantapasi kechorismenas: [4436]1 * xenon kat' ousian k.t.l: [4437]1 * xenos tou huiou kat' ousian ho Pater hoti anarchos: [4438]1 * xeton kai gumnazon: [4439]1 * xunoris: [4440]1 [4441]2 * oikeiosis phuseos: [4442]1 * oikeiotai: [4443]1 * oikeioseos: [4444]1 * oikonomia: [4445]1 [4446]2 [4447]3 * oikonomian: [4448]1 * oikonomikos: [4449]1 [4450]2 * hoi en to kanali& 251; tes 'Italias: [4451]1 * hoi dolioi: [4452]1 * hoi nun: [4453]1 * hoi peri Eusebion: [4454]1 * hoi pleistoi: [4455]1 * hoi christomachoi: [4456]1 * hois an ethelosi: [4457]1 * ou kata metousian alla kat' ousian theos: [4458]1 * ou treis hupostaseis memerismenas: [4459]1 * oude kata metousian autou, all' holon idion autou gennema: [4460]1 * ouden eblapteto: [4461]1 * ouden heteron e ten ousian tou ontos: [4462]1 * ouden gar onoma epi theou kuriologeisthai dunaton: [4463]1 * oud' ek pollon heis: [4464]1 * oud' ho hui& 231;s, ei me ho pater: [4465]1 * oud' ho hui& 232;s e hos hoti ho pater: [4466]1 * ouk aei en ho theos pater, ouk aei en ho huios: [4467]1 * ouk aei pater: [4468]1 * ouk allou, alla tou kuriou;: [4469]1 * ouk edoulon ton logon;: [4470]1 * ouk en diairesei prosopon: [4471]1 * ouk epeplexen: [4472]1 * ouk heterou tinos: [4473]1 * ouk en prin: [4474]1 [4475]2 * ouk en prin genetai: [4476]1 * ouk en prin gennethe: [4477]1 [4478]2 [4479]3 * ouk en prin gennethe, all' en pote hote ouk en k.t.l: [4480]1 * ouk en prin gennethenai: [4481]1 [4482]2 [4483]3 [4484]4 [4485]5 * ouk en prin gennethe: [4486]1 * ouk en prin gennethenai: [4487]1 * ouk oknei theon: [4488]1 * ouk eichon to piston, kath' hemeran parerchomenai; & 211; de tou Soteros thusia hapax genomene teteleioke to pan: [4489]1 * ousia: [4490]1 [4491]2 [4492]3 [4493]4 [4494]5 [4495]6 [4496]7 [4497]8 [4498]9 [4499]10 [4500]11 [4501]12 [4502]13 [4503]14 [4504]15 [4505]16 [4506]17 [4507]18 [4508]19 [4509]20 [4510]21 [4511]22 [4512]23 [4513]24 [4514]25 [4515]26 [4516]27 [4517]28 [4518]29 [4519]30 [4520]31 [4521]32 [4522]33 [4523]34 [4524]35 [4525]36 [4526]37 [4527]38 [4528]39 [4529]40 [4530]41 [4531]42 [4532]43 [4533]44 [4534]45 [4535]46 [4536]47 [4537]48 [4538]49 [4539]50 [4540]51 [4541]52 [4542]53 [4543]54 [4544]55 [4545]56 [4546]57 [4547]58 [4548]59 [4549]60 [4550]61 [4551]62 [4552]63 [4553]64 [4554]65 [4555]66 [4556]67 [4557]68 * ousia ex ousias: [4558]1 * ousia tou logou: [4559]1 * ousiai: [4560]1 [4561]2 [4562]3 * ousiai, homoiai: [4563]1 * ousian; ousia tou logou or tou huiou: [4564]1 * ousias: [4565]1 [4566]2 [4567]3 * ousias aparallakton eikona: [4568]1 * ousiodes sophia: [4569]1 * ouch haplos a& 188;dios: [4570]1 * ouchi epinoia, paranoia de mallon: [4571]1 * housia: [4572]1 * ohus ethelon: [4573]1 * oute ton Theon phobebeis ho atheos, oute tou patros ten diathesin aidestheis ho anosios, oute to geras aischuntheis ho astorgos: [4574]1 * oute ton theon phobetheis ho atheos: [4575]1 * houtos en tais ekklesiais diatassomai: [4576]1 * houtos kai ho: [4577]1 * houtos ten en Nikai& 139; piotin exetheto: [4578]1 * pathe: [4579]1 * pathos Christou tou theou mou: [4580]1 * palin: [4581]1 * panta ginoskein epangellomenos: [4582]1 * panta dokimazete: [4583]1 * panta taxei kai pronoi& 139; kinoumena: [4584]1 * papas: [4585]1 * parergon: [4586]1 * parestin a& 204;los tois enulois ta a& 203;la: [4587]1 * pempsas: [4588]1 [4589]2 * pepautai: [4590]1 * perusin: [4591]1 * pistis: [4592]1 [4593]2 [4594]3 [4595]4 [4596]5 * polis perioches: [4597]1 * puktia: [4598]1 [4599]2 * pasa gar he Ellas esiderophorei,: [4600]1 * pur hosper noeton, ten tou hagiou Pneumatos methexin embalon: [4601]1 * pos dunatai to ktizomenon ktizein; e pos ho ktizon ktizetai: [4602]1 * paugasma: [4603]1 * paula: [4604]1 * pathon: [4605]1 * palatinoi: [4606]1 * panaretos: [4607]1 * paneudaimon patris: [4608]1 * pantelos: [4609]1 * para monou: [4610]1 * para ten aletheian: [4611]1 * para tou patros: [4612]1 * para: [4613]1 * paradosis: [4614]1 [4615]2 * paradosis agraphos: [4616]1 * paranomoi: [4617]1 * paranomos: [4618]1 * parelabon: [4619]1 * par' eautou: [4620]1 * paranomian: [4621]1 * parapetasma: [4622]1 [4623]2 * parapepetasmenen: [4624]1 * paraskeue: [4625]1 * paratereseos: [4626]1 * parousia: [4627]1 * parresiazometha: [4628]1 * pater tou kata phusin huiou: [4629]1 * patrike theotes tou huiou: [4630]1 * patriken: [4631]1 * patrikos: [4632]1 * pepoiekenai: [4633]1 [4634]2 * peri ekeinon: [4635]1 * peri hon para ton: [4636]1 * peri auton: [4637]1 * peri theon: [4638]1 * peri panton presbeusui pros ton Patera: [4639]1 * peri ton theon: [4640]1 * peri ton tolmonton heautous ektemnein: [4641]1 * peri psuches kai somatos eis to pathos: [4642]1 * perierchetai: [4643]1 * perierchontai: [4644]1 * perierchontai hos hoi kantharoi: [4645]1 * perierchontai peribombountes: [4646]1 * peribole: [4647]1 * peribombein: [4648]1 * peribombousi: [4649]1 * peribombousin: [4650]1 * periergazesthai: [4651]1 * periergazesthai;: [4652]1 * periergazontai: [4653]1 * periluontes tas nesteias--katapauontes tas nesteias--hespera bathei& 139; sabbatou--te epiphoskouse kuriake: [4654]1 * peritithemenos ten estheta, ekalupteto, endusamenos soma: [4655]1 * peripherousi: [4656]1 * perich: [4657]1 * perichoresis: [4658]1 [4659]2 [4660]3 [4661]4 [4662]5 [4663]6 [4664]7 [4665]8 [4666]9 [4667]10 [4668]11 [4669]12 * pege ek peges: [4670]1 * pege theotetos: [4671]1 [4672]2 * pege xera: [4673]1 * pege: [4674]1 * plen tes agennesias kai tes patrotetos: [4675]1 * pleres eimi: [4676]1 * plethos: [4677]1 [4678]2 * planetheisan gennesin: [4679]1 * platusmos: [4680]1 [4681]2 * pleisten e emprosthen: [4682]1 * plerotheises tes exousias en to kuriako souati: [4683]1 * pneuma: [4684]1 [4685]2 [4686]3 [4687]4 [4688]5 [4689]6 * poieo: [4690]1 * poiemata: [4691]1 * poion: [4692]1 * poiein: [4693]1 * poietes: [4694]1 * poietai: [4695]1 * poietikon aition: [4696]1 * polutheos atheia: [4697]1 * pollakis apololenai dikaioi: [4698]1 * polloi logoi: [4699]1 * polueidous: [4700]1 * poluthrulleton: [4701]1 * polukephalos hairesis: [4702]1 * poluk. panourgia: [4703]1 * poluk. sophistes: [4704]1 * pompeia: [4705]1 * pompeuein: [4706]1 * pompeuete: [4707]1 * pourgon: [4708]1 * preda: [4709]1 * prin genesthai tauta: [4710]1 * prin gennethenai ouk en: [4711]1 [4712]2 [4713]3 * prin gennethe etoi ktisthe, e oristhe, e themeliothe: [4714]1 * prin poiethe: [4715]1 * prin genesthai: [4716]1 * pro tes genneseos: [4717]1 [4718]2 * pro tou belou: [4719]1 * prodromon 'Antichristou: [4720]1 * prodromos: [4721]1 * prokrima: [4722]1 * pronoia: [4723]1 [4724]2 * pronoia ton panton: [4725]1 * prosopa: [4726]1 [4727]2 * prosopon: [4728]1 [4729]2 [4730]3 * prophasis: [4731]1 * prote ousia: [4732]1 * protos: [4733]1 [4734]2 [4735]3 * proton hemin: [4736]1 * proton gennema: [4737]1 [4738]2 * protos: [4739]1 * protos hemon: [4740]1 * preptotes: [4741]1 * proeleusis: [4742]1 [4743]2 [4744]3 [4745]4 * proaionios: [4746]1 * proballein: [4747]1 * proballesthai: [4748]1 * proballete: [4749]1 * problethen gennema: [4750]1 * probletheis: [4751]1 * probole: [4752]1 [4753]2 [4754]3 * probole: [4755]1 [4756]2 [4757]3 [4758]4 * proboleus: [4759]1 * proelthon: [4760]1 * proegoumene: [4761]1 [4762]2 * proegoumenen: [4763]1 * prothesmia: [4764]1 * prothesmian: [4765]1 * prokalumma: [4766]1 [4767]2 * prokope: [4768]1 [4769]2 [4770]3 [4771]4 [4772]5 [4773]6 * prokopes: [4774]1 * pronomia: [4775]1 * propinontes: [4776]1 * propeteusainto: [4777]1 * prosopou: [4778]1 * prostassonta: [4779]1 * prostasias philon: [4780]1 * prostattomenos kai hupourgon: [4781]1 [4782]2 * prostattomenos, kai hupourgon: [4783]1 * prosphora: [4784]1 * prosphoneso: [4785]1 * prophorikos logos: [4786]1 * prophorikos: [4787]1 [4788]2 * prototokos: [4789]1 [4790]2 [4791]3 [4792]4 [4793]5 [4794]6 [4795]7 [4796]8 [4797]9 [4798]10 [4799]11 [4800]12 [4801]13 [4802]14 [4803]15 * prototokos pases ktiseos: [4804]1 * prototokos pases ktiseos: [4805]1 * prototokos tou Theou: [4806]1 * prototupon gennema: [4807]1 * prototokos: [4808]1 [4809]2 * prototokos tes ktiseos: [4810]1 * poles: [4811]1 * re: [4812]1 * sarx: [4813]1 * sarx tou logou: [4814]1 * sarx: [4815]1 [4816]2 [4817]3 [4818]4 * sumbama: [4819]1 * sumphonos: [4820]1 * sundesmon pisteos: [4821]1 * sundesmon tes agapes: [4822]1 * sundromos: [4823]1 [4824]2 * sundromos thelesis: [4825]1 * soma: [4826]1 [4827]2 [4828]3 * soma sophias: [4829]1 * sathrothenta: [4830]1 * sarkothenta: [4831]1 * sebastos: [4832]1 * semeia: [4833]1 [4834]2 * skandalizetai: [4835]1 * skopos: [4836]1 * skopos: [4837]1 * skotodiniontes: [4838]1 * skotodiniosi: [4839]1 * sophias exegetas: [4840]1 * sophia, chrestotes, dunamis, thelema pantokratorikon: [4841]1 * sparattetosan heautous: [4842]1 * spermatikos: [4843]1 * sticharia: [4844]1 * stole: [4845]1 * stratopedon: [4846]1 [4847]2 * stratopedon;: [4848]1 * strateia: [4849]1 * strategoi: [4850]1 [4851]2 * strategou: [4852]1 [4853]2 [4854]3 * stratiotou: [4855]1 * strobilous: [4856]1 * sunkatabasin: [4857]1 * sunkatabasis: [4858]1 [4859]2 [4860]3 [4861]4 [4862]5 [4863]6 [4864]7 [4865]8 [4866]9 * sunkritikos: [4867]1 * sunkuliontai: [4868]1 * sumbainousan kai aposumbainousan: [4869]1 * sumbebekos: [4870]1 * sumbebekos: [4871]1 * sumbebekota: [4872]1 * sumphonia: [4873]1 [4874]2 * sunaxeis: [4875]1 * sunesei: [4876]1 * suneisaktai: [4877]1 * suneton theou: [4878]1 * sunegorou: [4879]1 * sunientas: [4880]1 * sunousion: [4881]1 * sustole: [4882]1 [4883]2 * sphodra eplemmelesan: [4884]1 * sphodra loidoroi: [4885]1 * sphragis: [4886]1 * schizein: [4887]1 * schema organikon: [4888]1 [4889]2 * schematisamenos: [4890]1 * tagathon: [4891]1 * ta hiera grammata: [4892]1 * ta de loipa diataxomai: [4893]1 * ta theia ton pregmaton: [4894]1 * ta kai: [4895]1 * ta pros ti: [4896]1 * tade legei: [4897]1 * taxis: [4898]1 * teknon: [4899]1 * teleion: [4900]1 * teleios: [4901]1 [4902]2 * teleios ktistheis: [4903]1 * teleios teleion gegenneken, pneuma pneuma: [4904]1 * telos: [4905]1 * ten en thanato kata phusin phthoran: [4906]1 * ten idiotropon autou hupostasin; tes hupostaseos autou aperiergastou; neoteran tes hupostaseos genesin; he tou uonogenous anekdiegetos hupostasis; ten tou logou upostasin: [4907]1 * ten huper autou dunamin: [4908]1 * ten thrulloumenen apor& 191;oen: [4909]1 * ten kata panta homoioteta: [4910]1 * ten kata panta homoioteta autou ek phuseos apomaxamenos: [4911]1 * ten manian exeteinan: [4912]1 * ten patriken heautou theoteta: [4913]1 * ten poluthrulleton dialektiken: [4914]1 * ten poluthrulleton phonen: [4915]1 * ten ptocheusasan phusin theou holen genomenen: [4916]1 * ten p. hugiainousan: [4917]1 * ten tes homoioseos henoteta: [4918]1 * ten ton holon pronoian kath' heauton ouk einai mothologousin: [4919]1 * ten tou archetupou plasin anastesasthai heauto: [4920]1 * ten phusin: [4921]1 * ti dei noein k.t.l: [4922]1 * ti moi kai soi: [4923]1 * tis egno noun Kuriou: [4924]1 * tis gar ekouse: [4925]1 * to akineton: [4926]1 * to en auto: [4927]1 * to ex autou: [4928]1 * to hidion: [4929]1 * to idion tes ousias, tautotes: [4930]1 * to opheilomenon: [4931]1 * to on: [4932]1 * to ontos on: [4933]1 * to hupokeimenon: [4934]1 * to auto gar legein ouk okneteon: [4935]1 * to brabeion tes ano kleseos: [4936]1 * to gar exelthein: [4937]1 * to de diokein diabolikon estin epicheirema: [4938]1 * to de kai proskuneisthai: [4939]1 * to dialuthentas menein en to thanato kai te phthora: [4940]1 * to euangelion: [4941]1 * to kalon katechete: [4942]1 * to ktiston: [4943]1 * to legomenon ktizesthai te phusei kai te ousi& 139; ktisma: [4944]1 * to logikon: [4945]1 * to monophues: [4946]1 * to pathos tou logou: [4947]1 * to para panton opheilomenon: [4948]1 * to poion to en te ousi& 139;, to ti en einai,: [4949]1 * to poluthrulleton sophisma: [4950]1 * to teleion: [4951]1 * to [kuriakon] soma: [4952]1 * ton alethos hui& 232;n: [4953]1 * ton anthropon: [4954]1 * ton anthropon sathrothenta: [4955]1 * ton en hemin hui& 231;n: [4956]1 * ton en autois oikounta logon: [4957]1 * ton hena kurion: [4958]1 * ton Patera sumpeponthenai to hui& 254;: [4959]1 * ton Chr: [4960]1 * ton diabolou propon analabon: [4961]1 * ton kreittona: [4962]1 * ton logon: [4963]1 * ton logon tropen hupomemenekota: [4964]1 * ton pro ai& 240;non eudoki& 139; tou patros gennethenta: [4965]1 * ton prostattonta kurion: [4966]1 * ton prostattonta kurion, ton demiourgounta logon, to stereoun pneuma: [4967]1 * ton tes taxeos: [4968]1 * tode ti: [4969]1 * tomos: [4970]1 * topos: [4971]1 * tote kai: [4972]1 * tote kai nun: [4973]1 * tes atheou peges: [4974]1 * tes hupostaseos huparchouses, pantos euthus einai dei ton charaktera kai ten eikona tautes: [4975]1 * tes autes ousias: [4976]1 * tes graphes ethos echouses: [4977]1 * tes eis ton episkopon diaboles: [4978]1 * tes eusebeias: [4979]1 * tes theotokou Marias: [4980]1 * tes kt: [4981]1 * tes ktiseos: [4982]1 * tes mones tou kurizou: [4983]1 * tes oikonomias: [4984]1 * tes ousias: [4985]1 * tes ousias homoia: [4986]1 * te a& 187;dioteti tou patros tou monogenous sunapton ten gennesin: [4987]1 * te homonoi& 139; kai te sumphoni& 139;: [4988]1 * te hupostasei duo phuseis: [4989]1 * te men hupostasei tria, te de sumphoni& 139; hen: [4990]1 * ton agoraion: [4991]1 * ton apostolon diataxis: [4992]1 * ton enkuklion: [4993]1 * ton exegeton tous akrous heilesthe: [4994]1 * ton ergasion: [4995]1 * ton 'Areiomaniton ten alogian: [4996]1 * ton geneton: [4997]1 * ton logon kairon: [4998]1 * ton nun 'Ioudaion: [4999]1 * ton palai kai propalai: [5000]1 * ton sophias metachonton, kata panta sophon: [5001]1 * ton chamai: [5002]1 * to: [5003]1 * to hagi& 251;: [5004]1 * to rh& 208;to tethrullekasi ta pantachou: [5005]1 * to skopo: [5006]1 * ta homoia tois homoiois: [5007]1 * tauton te homoiosei: [5008]1 [5009]2 * tautotes boulematos: [5010]1 * tautotes ousias: [5011]1 * tautoteta tes ousias: [5012]1 * tautoteta tes phuseos: [5013]1 * tautoousion: [5014]1 [5015]2 * tais ennoiais chromenoi, pros tas epinoias apentesamen: [5016]1 * tais logomachiais: [5017]1 * tauta: [5018]1 * tapeinai lexeis: [5019]1 * teknogonia: [5020]1 * tie: [5021]1 * tines: [5022]1 * tinos philoponou gerontos: [5023]1 * tous artous: [5024]1 * tous en te xene monachous: [5025]1 * tous de legontas ex ouk onton,....e poiema, e ex heteras ousias, toutous anathematizei k. t. l: [5026]1 * tous logimoterous ton episkopon egeiras: [5027]1 * tous mutheuomenous gigantas: [5028]1 * tous pateras diaballonton: [5029]1 * touto: [5030]1 * touto chromenos organo: [5031]1 [5032]2 * toutestin ek tes ousias tou patros: [5033]1 * toutous kai parontas paredoken to 'Alexandro: [5034]1 * touton kat' ichnos elthon: [5035]1 * tois onomasi: [5036]1 * tois tes sarkos epitimontes pathesin: [5037]1 * tou dia tes idias pronoias: [5038]1 * tou kat' eikona charis: [5039]1 * tou logou: [5040]1 * tou legomenou photeinou: [5041]1 * tou monadikou biou nomothesian en plasmati diegeseos: [5042]1 * tou patros: [5043]1 [5044]2 * tou patros homoios: [5045]1 * tou pneumatos: [5046]1 * touto to heroon stephanoi he ergasia ton bapheon: [5047]1 * ton: [5048]1 * tonthoruzete: [5049]1 * trias: [5050]1 * trizosi tous odontos: [5051]1 * tropon beltiosis: [5052]1 * treis upostaseis: [5053]1 * treis archikai hupostaseis: [5054]1 * treis hupostaseis: [5055]1 [5056]2 [5057]3 * treis memerismenas hupostaseis: [5058]1 * trepton: [5059]1 * treptos: [5060]1 [5061]2 [5062]3 [5063]4 * trepton: [5064]1 * trias: [5065]1 [5066]2 [5067]3 * trias adiairetos te phusei, kai mia tautes he energeia: [5068]1 * trizeto tous odontas: [5069]1 * trizetosan: [5070]1 * tropikos: [5071]1 [5072]2 * huiopator: [5073]1 * huiopatora: [5074]1 * huiopator: [5075]1 * huiopoioumetha alethos: [5076]1 * hui& 231;s: [5077]1 [5078]2 [5079]3 * hui& 232;n homoion kai kat' ousian ek tou patros: [5080]1 * huion chrematizein: [5081]1 * phaskontes, ou legomen duo ageneta, legousi duo theous: [5082]1 * pheme: [5083]1 [5084]2 [5085]3 [5086]4 [5087]5 * phusei: [5088]1 * phusis: [5089]1 [5090]2 [5091]3 [5092]4 [5093]5 [5094]6 [5095]7 [5096]8 * phusis tou logou: [5097]1 * phanerosis: [5098]1 [5099]2 [5100]3 * phaneros: [5101]1 * phthonos: [5102]1 * phthora: [5103]1 [5104]2 [5105]3 [5106]4 [5107]5 [5108]6 [5109]7 * phthartoi: [5110]1 * phthoreas ton psuchon: [5111]1 * phthoropoios: [5112]1 * philoponou: [5113]1 * philoptochia: [5114]1 * philochrusous mallon e philochristous: [5115]1 * phrontisterion: [5116]1 * phusiken einai ten hamartian: [5117]1 * phusikos logos: [5118]1 * phusikes tinos gumnasias heneka: [5119]1 * phusikos: [5120]1 [5121]2 * phusiologein: [5122]1 * charis tes kleseos: [5123]1 * chamaileontes: [5124]1 * charakter: [5125]1 * charaktera: [5126]1 * cheir: [5127]1 * cheir demiourgike: [5128]1 * chrezonton tes autou theotetos dia tou homoiou: [5129]1 * christophoroi: [5130]1 * christomachoi: [5131]1 * christomachon: [5132]1 * christomachein: [5133]1 * psuchesthai: [5134]1 * psuche logike: [5135]1 * psuche: [5136]1 * psuchikon: [5137]1 __________________________________________________________________

Letter LXIV.--To Diodorus (fragment). (part 2)

Index of Pages of the Print Edition

[5138]i [5139]iii [5140]v [5141]vi [5142]vii [5143]viii [5144]xi [5145]xii [5146]xiii [5147]xiv [5148]xv [5149]xvi [5150]xvii [5151]xviii [5152]xix [5153]xx [5154]xxi [5155]xxii [5156]xxiii [5157]xxiv [5158]xxv [5159]xxvi [5160]xxvii [5161]xxviii [5162]xxix [5163]xxx [5164]xxxi [5165]xxxii [5166]xxxiii [5167]xxxiv [5168]xxxv [5169]xxxvi [5170]xxxvii [5171]xxxviii [5172]xxxix [5173]xl [5174]xli [5175]xlii [5176]xliii [5177]xliv [5178]xlv [5179]xlvi [5180]xlvii [5181]xlviii [5182]xlix [5183]l [5184]li [5185]lii [5186]liii [5187]liv [5188]lv [5189]lvi [5190]lvii [5191]lviii [5192]lix [5193]lx [5194]lxi [5195]lxii [5196]lxiii [5197]lxiv [5198]lxv [5199]lxvi [5200]lxvii [5201]lxviii [5202]lxix [5203]lxx [5204]lxxi [5205]lxxii [5206]lxxiii [5207]lxxiv [5208]lxxv [5209]lxxvi [5210]lxxvii [5211]lxxviii [5212]lxxix [5213]lxxx [5214]lxxxi [5215]lxxxii [5216]lxxxiii [5217]lxxxiv [5218]lxxxv [5219]lxxxvi [5220]lxxxvii [5221]lxxxviii [5222]lxxxix [5223]xc [5224]xci [5225]1 [5226]2 [5227]3 [5228]4 [5229]5 [5230]6 [5231]7 [5232]8 [5233]9 [5234]10 [5235]11 [5236]12 [5237]13 [5238]14 [5239]15 [5240]16 [5241]17 [5242]18 [5243]19 [5244]20 [5245]21 [5246]22 [5247]23 [5248]24 [5249]25 [5250]26 [5251]27 [5252]28 [5253]29 [5254]30 [5255]31 [5256]32 [5257]33 [5258]34 [5259]35 [5260]36 [5261]37 [5262]38 [5263]39 [5264]40 [5265]41 [5266]42 [5267]43 [5268]44 [5269]45 [5270]46 [5271]47 [5272]48 [5273]49 [5274]50 [5275]51 [5276]52 [5277]53 [5278]54 [5279]55 [5280]56 [5281]57 [5282]58 [5283]59 [5284]60 [5285]61 [5286]62 [5287]63 [5288]64 [5289]65 [5290]66 [5291]67 [5292]68 [5293]69 [5294]70 [5295]71 [5296]72 [5297]73 [5298]74 [5299]75 [5300]76 [5301]77 [5302]78 [5303]79 [5304]80 [5305]81 [5306]82 [5307]83 [5308]84 [5309]85 [5310]86 [5311]87 [5312]88 [5313]89 [5314]90 [5315]91 [5316]92 [5317]93 [5318]94 [5319]95 [5320]96 [5321]97 [5322]98 [5323]99 [5324]100 [5325]101 [5326]102 [5327]103 [5328]104 [5329]105 [5330]106 [5331]107 [5332]108 [5333]109 [5334]110 [5335]111 [5336]112 [5337]113 [5338]114 [5339]115 [5340]116 [5341]117 [5342]118 [5343]119 [5344]120 [5345]121 [5346]122 [5347]123 [5348]124 [5349]125 [5350]126 [5351]127 [5352]128 [5353]129 [5354]130 [5355]131 [5356]132 [5357]133 [5358]134 [5359]135 [5360]136 [5361]137 [5362]138 [5363]139 [5364]140 [5365]141 [5366]142 [5367]143 [5368]144 [5369]145 [5370]146 [5371]147 [5372]148 [5373]149 [5374]150 [5375]151 [5376]152 [5377]153 [5378]154 [5379]155 [5380]156 [5381]157 [5382]158 [5383]159 [5384]160 [5385]161 [5386]162 [5387]163 [5388]164 [5389]165 [5390]166 [5391]167 [5392]168 [5393]169 [5394]170 [5395]171 [5396]172 [5397]173 [5398]174 [5399]175 [5400]176 [5401]177 [5402]178 [5403]179 [5404]180 [5405]181 [5406]182 [5407]183 [5408]184 [5409]185 [5410]186 [5411]187 [5412]188 [5413]189 [5414]190 [5415]191 [5416]192 [5417]193 [5418]194 [5419]195 [5420]196 [5421]197 [5422]198 [5423]199 [5424]200 [5425]201 [5426]202 [5427]203 [5428]204 [5429]205 [5430]206 [5431]207 [5432]208 [5433]209 [5434]210 [5435]211 [5436]212 [5437]213 [5438]214 [5439]215 [5440]216 [5441]217 [5442]218 [5443]219 [5444]220 [5445]221 [5446]222 [5447]223 [5448]224 [5449]225 [5450]226 [5451]227 [5452]228 [5453]229 [5454]230 [5455]231 [5456]232 [5457]233 [5458]234 [5459]235 [5460]236 [5461]237 [5462]238 [5463]239 [5464]240 [5465]241 [5466]242 [5467]243 [5468]244 [5469]245 [5470]246 [5471]247 [5472]248 [5473]249 [5474]250 [5475]251 [5476]252 [5477]253 [5478]254 [5479]255 [5480]256 [5481]257 [5482]258 [5483]259 [5484]260 [5485]261 [5486]262 [5487]263 [5488]264 [5489]265 [5490]266 [5491]267 [5492]268 [5493]269 [5494]270 [5495]271 [5496]272 [5497]273 [5498]274 [5499]275 [5500]276 [5501]277 [5502]278 [5503]279 [5504]280 [5505]281 [5506]282 [5507]283 [5508]284 [5509]285 [5510]286 [5511]287 [5512]288 [5513]289 [5514]290 [5515]291 [5516]292 [5517]293 [5518]294 [5519]295 [5520]296 [5521]297 [5522]298 [5523]299 [5524]300 [5525]301 [5526]302 [5527]303 [5528]304 [5529]305 [5530]306 [5531]307 [5532]308 [5533]309 [5534]310 [5535]311 [5536]312 [5537]313 [5538]314 [5539]315 [5540]316 [5541]317 [5542]318 [5543]319 [5544]320 [5545]321 [5546]322 [5547]323 [5548]324 [5549]325 [5550]326 [5551]327 [5552]328 [5553]329 [5554]330 [5555]331 [5556]332 [5557]333 [5558]334 [5559]335 [5560]336 [5561]337 [5562]338 [5563]339 [5564]340 [5565]341 [5566]342 [5567]343 [5568]344 [5569]345 [5570]346 [5571]347 [5572]348 [5573]349 [5574]350 [5575]351 [5576]352 [5577]353 [5578]354 [5579]355 [5580]356 [5581]357 [5582]358 [5583]359 [5584]360 [5585]361 [5586]362 [5587]363 [5588]364 [5589]365 [5590]366 [5591]367 [5592]368 [5593]369 [5594]370 [5595]371 [5596]372 [5597]373 [5598]374 [5599]375 [5600]376 [5601]377 [5602]378 [5603]379 [5604]380 [5605]381 [5606]382 [5607]383 [5608]384 [5609]385 [5610]386 [5611]387 [5612]388 [5613]389 [5614]390 [5615]391 [5616]392 [5617]393 [5618]394 [5619]395 [5620]396 [5621]397 [5622]398 [5623]399 [5624]400 [5625]401 [5626]402 [5627]403 [5628]404 [5629]405 [5630]406 [5631]407 [5632]408 [5633]409 [5634]410 [5635]411 [5636]412 [5637]413 [5638]414 [5639]415 [5640]416 [5641]417 [5642]418 [5643]419 [5644]420 [5645]421 [5646]422 [5647]423 [5648]424 [5649]425 [5650]426 [5651]427 [5652]428 [5653]429 [5654]430 [5655]431 [5656]432 [5657]433 [5658]434 [5659]435 [5660]436 [5661]437 [5662]438 [5663]439 [5664]440 [5665]441 [5666]442 [5667]443 [5668]444 [5669]445 [5670]446 [5671]447 [5672]448 [5673]449 [5674]450 [5675]451 [5676]452 [5677]453 [5678]454 [5679]455 [5680]456 [5681]457 [5682]458 [5683]459 [5684]460 [5685]461 [5686]462 [5687]463 [5688]464 [5689]465 [5690]466 [5691]467 [5692]468 [5693]469 [5694]470 [5695]471 [5696]472 [5697]473 [5698]474 [5699]475 [5700]476 [5701]477 [5702]478 [5703]479 [5704]480 [5705]481 [5706]482 [5707]483 [5708]484 [5709]485 [5710]486 [5711]487 [5712]488 [5713]489 [5714]490 [5715]491 [5716]492 [5717]493 [5718]494 [5719]495 [5720]496 [5721]497 [5722]498 [5723]499 [5724]500 [5725]501 [5726]502 [5727]503 [5728]504 [5729]505 [5730]506 [5731]507 [5732]508 [5733]509 [5734]510 [5735]511 [5736]512 [5737]513 [5738]514 [5739]515 [5740]516 [5741]517 [5742]518 [5743]519 [5744]520 [5745]521 [5746]522 [5747]523 [5748]524 [5749]525 [5750]526 [5751]527 [5752]528 [5753]529 [5754]530 [5755]531 [5756]532 [5757]533 [5758]534 [5759]535 [5760]536 [5761]537 [5762]538 [5763]539 [5764]540 [5765]541 [5766]542 [5767]543 [5768]544 [5769]545 [5770]546 [5771]547 [5772]548 [5773]549 [5774]550 [5775]551 [5776]552 [5777]553 [5778]554 [5779]555 [5780]556 [5781]557 [5782]558 [5783]559 [5784]560 [5785]561 [5786]562 [5787]563 [5788]564 [5789]565 [5790]566 [5791]567 [5792]568 [5793]569 [5794]570 [5795]571 [5796]572 [5797]573 [5798]574 [5799]575 [5800]576 [5801]577 [5802]578 [5803]579 [5804]580 [5805]581 __________________________________________________________________

This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org, generated on demand from ThML source.

References

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864. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=10&scrV=14#xvii.ii.i-p13.1 865. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=11&scrV=5#xxv.iii.iii.iii-p49.1 866. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=11&scrV=8#xvii.ii.i-p15.2 867. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=11&scrV=9#vii.ii.xlv-p3.1 868. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=11&scrV=9#xxi.ii.i.xiii-p62.2 869. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=11&scrV=10#vii.ii.xxxv-p7.1 870. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=14&scrV=12#xxi.ii.iv.iii-p8.1 871. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=14&scrV=14#xvii.ii.i-p16.1 872. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=14&scrV=14#xxi.ii.iv.iii-p67.2 873. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=14&scrV=27#xvii.ii.ii-p63.1 874. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=14&scrV=27#xxv.iii.iv.vii-p16.1 875. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=19&scrV=1#vii.ii.xxxiii-p6.1 876. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=22&scrV=13#xxv.iii.iii.ii-p44.1 877. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=22&scrV=13#xxv.iii.iii.vii-p16.1

Letter LXIV.--To Diodorus (fragment). (part 3)

878. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=22&scrV=14#xxv.iii.iii.vii-p17.1 879. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=23&scrV=2#xxv.iii.iii.ii-p16.1 880. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=25&scrV=8#xxi.ii.iii.ii-p34.1 881. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=26&scrV=9#xxv.iii.iii.xvi-p8.1 882. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=26&scrV=10#xxv.iii.iii.vii-p11.1 883. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=26&scrV=13#xxi.ii.iii.ii-p22.1 884. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=26&scrV=20#xviii.ii.xxxiv-p3.1 885. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=26&scrV=20#xix.ii.xxi-p6.1 886. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=26&scrV=20#xx.ii.vii-p8.1 887. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=32&scrV=6#xviii.ii.xvii-p4.1 888. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=32&scrV=6#xxv.iii.iv.xv-p11.1 889. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=35&scrV=3#vii.ii.xxxviii-p4.1 890. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=38&scrV=18#xxv.iii.iii.vii-p30.2 891. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=38&scrV=19#xxi.ii.iii.i-p35.2 892. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=38&scrV=20#xxv.iii.iii.viii-p18.2 893. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=39&scrV=7#xxi.ii.iii.i-p36.3 894. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=40&scrV=8#xxi.ii.i.xii-p19.1 895. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=40&scrV=18#xxv.iii.iii.ii-p19.1 896. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=40&scrV=28#xiv.ii.iii-p14.1 897. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=40&scrV=28#xxi.ii.i.iv-p18.1 898. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=40&scrV=28#xxi.ii.iii.iv-p12.1 899. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=40&scrV=29#xiv.ii.iii-p15.1 900. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=42&scrV=8#vi.ii.i.xvii-p3.3 901. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=42&scrV=8#xxii.ii.iii-p71.3 902. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=42&scrV=12#xxv.iii.iii.vi-p18.3 903. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=44&scrV=6#xxii.ii.ii-p145.1 904. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=44&scrV=6#xxi.ii.iv.i-p66.4 905. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=44&scrV=9#vi.ii.i.xiv-p4.1 906. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=44&scrV=23#xxv.iii.iii.vi-p51.1 907. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=44&scrV=24#xiv.ii.iii-p31.1 908. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=44&scrV=24#xxi.ii.iv.ii-p22.1 909. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=45&scrV=5#xxii.ii.iii-p69.4 910. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=45&scrV=14#xxi.ii.iii.iii-p53.1 911. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=47&scrV=6#xix.ii.ix-p5.2 912. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=48&scrV=13#xiv.ii.iv-p21.2 913. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=48&scrV=22#xxv.iii.iii.ii-p24.2 914. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=48&scrV=22#xxv.iii.iii.iii-p12.2 915. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=49&scrV=5#xiv.ii.iii-p33.1 916. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=49&scrV=5#xxi.ii.iii.vii-p1.5 917. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=49&scrV=5#xxi.ii.iii.vii-p4.1 918. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=49&scrV=8#xxv.iii.iii.i-p12.1 919. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=49&scrV=13#xxv.iii.iii.vi-p52.1 920. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=50&scrV=6#xx.ii.v-p42.1 921. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=50&scrV=6#xxv.iii.iii.viii-p49.3 922. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=50&scrV=6#xxv.iii.iv.xiv-p29.1 923. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=51&scrV=16#xiv.ii.iv-p22.1 924. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=52&scrV=0#xxi.ii.i.xiii-p20.1 925. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=52&scrV=5#xxii.ii.i-p12.2 926. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=52&scrV=11#xx.ii.viii-p115.1 927. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=52&scrV=11#xvii.ii.ii-p64.1 928. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=0#xxi.ii.i.xiii-p20.2 929. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=3#vii.ii.xxxiv-p3.1 930. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=4#xxi.ii.iii.vi-p33.3 931. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=4#xxi.ii.iv.iv-p51.1 932. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=4#xxv.iii.iii.xvi-p4.1 933. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=5#xxv.iii.iii.vi-p49.1 934. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=7#xxi.ii.i.xiii-p19.1 935. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=7#xxi.ii.iii.ii-p33.1 936. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=7#xxv.iii.iii.i-p51.1 937. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=7#xxv.iii.iii.vi-p45.1 938. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=8#x.ii-p8.2 939. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=53&scrV=8#xxii.ii.ii-p175.1 940. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=54&scrV=13#vii.ii.xlvii-p11.1 941. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=54&scrV=13#xxi.ii.i.xiii-p64.3 942. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=55&scrV=6#xxv.iii.iii.ix-p23.1 943. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=56&scrV=4#xxi.ii.i.xiii-p26.1 944. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=58&scrV=5#xxv.iii.iii.i-p33.1 945. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=58&scrV=9#xxi.ii.i.xiii-p91.1 946. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=58&scrV=11#xxi.ii.i.vi-p15.2 947. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=59&scrV=3#xxv.iii.iii.ix-p37.1 948. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=59&scrV=4#xxv.iii.iii.ix-p38.1 949. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=59&scrV=9#xxv.iii.iii.ix-p39.1 950. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=60&scrV=8#v.ii.x-p9.1 951. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=61&scrV=1#xxi.ii.i.xii-p10.1 952. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=61&scrV=1#xxi.ii.i.xii-p41.1 953. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=61&scrV=8#xxi.ii.i.xii-p58.1 954. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=63&scrV=1#xi.ii.ii-p3.2 955. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=63&scrV=9#vii.ii.xl-p7.1 956. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=64&scrV=4#xxv.iii.iii.i-p60.3 957. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=65&scrV=1#vii.ii.xxxviii-p3.1 958. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=66&scrV=2#xiv.ii.iii-p18.1 959. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=66&scrV=2#xiv.ii.iii-p30.1 960. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=66&scrV=2#xxi.ii.vi.ix-p10.1 961. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=66&scrV=2#xxi.ii.iii.viii-p133.1 962. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=66&scrV=3#xxv.iii.iii.xv-p22.1 963. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Isa&scrCh=66&scrV=3#xxv.iii.iii.xv-p23.1 964. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=1&scrV=5#xiv.ii.iii-p21.1 965. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=1&scrV=5#xiv.ii.iii-p29.1 966. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=1&scrV=5#xxi.ii.i.iv-p33.1 967. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=1&scrV=5#xxi.ii.iv.iv-p64.1 968. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Jer&scrCh=2&scrV=1#xxi.ii.iii.v-p24.1 969. 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file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=16#xxiii.ii-p38.1 1738. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=17#vii.ii.xxii-p3.1 1739. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=18#x.ii-p8.5 1740. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=18#xxi.ii.iv.v-p6.2 1741. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=18#xxi.ii.iv.vii-p35.1 1742. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=18#xxi.ii.vi.ii-p3.3 1743. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=29#viii.ii-p30.1 1744. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=29#viii.ii-p32.1 1745. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=29#viii.ii-p33.1 1746. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=29#xxii.ii.ii-p175.2 1747. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.i.i-p24.1 1748. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xv.ii-p68.1 1749. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xv.ii-p68.2

Letter LXIV.--To Diodorus (fragment). (part 4)

1750. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xvii.ii.ii-p13.2 1751. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xiv.ii.iv-p14.1 1752. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xiv.ii.v-p43.1 1753. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xiv.ii.vi-p25.10 1754. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xiv.ii.vii-p17.1 1755. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xv.ii-p7.6 1756. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.vi.ix-p63.2 1757. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.i.v-p25.1 1758. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.iii.v-p33.1 1759. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.iv.i-p34.1 1760. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.iv.i-p51.2 1761. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.iv.iii-p1.5 1762. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.iv.iii-p4.4 1763. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.iv.iii-p12.2 1764. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.iv.vii-p14.1 1765. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.iv.vii-p19.1 1766. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.iv.viii-p80.2 1767. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.v-p7.4 1768. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.vi.i-p3.2 1769. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.vi.i-p17.1 1770. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.vi.iv-p3.1 1771. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.vi.vii-p27.2 1772. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxi.ii.vi.vii-p47.2 1773. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxii.ii.iii-p50.1 1774. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxii.ii.iii-p63.1 1775. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxiv.ii-p49.1 1776. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxiv.ii-p55.2 1777. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxiv.ii-p61.1 1778. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=30#xxiv.ii-p71.2 1779. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=32#xxi.ii.vi.vii-p13.2 1780. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=33#xiv.ii.i-p14.1 1781. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=33#xxi.ii.vi.ix-p56.2 1782. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=33#xxii.ii.iii-p71.3 1783. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=33#xxv.iii.iv.xv-p15.1 1784. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=35#xxi.ii.i.xi-p22.1 1785. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=35#xxiv.ii-p60.1 1786. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=36#xxi.ii.iii.ii-p28.1 1787. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=37#vii.ii.xviii-p4.1 1788. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=37#xxi.ii.iv.iv-p56.2 1789. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=38#xxi.ii.iii.ii-p10.1 1790. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=38#xxi.ii.iv.i-p51.2 1791. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=38#xxi.ii.iv.vii-p18.2 1792. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=10&scrV=38#xxi.ii.iv.viii-p80.2 1793. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=11&scrV=14#xxi.ii.iv.v-p20.1 1794. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=11&scrV=25#xxi.ii.vi.ix-p43.1 1795. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=11&scrV=34#xxi.ii.iv.iv-p9.3 1796. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=11&scrV=34#xxi.ii.iv.v-p15.1 1797. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=11&scrV=34#xxiii.ii-p32.1 1798. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=11&scrV=35#xxi.ii.iv.vii-p5.2 1799. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=11&scrV=43#xxv.iii.iv.xv-p42.1 1800. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=11&scrV=47#xiv.ii.i-p13.1 1801. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=11&scrV=50#xxi.ii.iii.v-p87.1 1802. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=11&scrV=53#xix.ii.xii-p5.2 1803. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=13#xxv.iii.iii.xxi-p3.1 1804. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=27#v.ii.iv-p42.26 1805. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=27#xxi.ii.iv.vii-p1.6 1806. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=27#xxi.ii.iv.vii-p34.2 1807. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=27#xxi.ii.iv.iv-p6.2 1808. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=28#xxi.ii.iv.iv-p10.3 1809. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=28#xxv.iii.iii.vi-p19.1 1810. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=32#vii.ii.xxv-p6.1 1811. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=34#xxi.ii.iii.ii-p27.1 1812. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=45#xxi.ii.vi.vii-p15.2 1813. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=46#xxi.ii.iii.vii-p28.1 1814. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=46#xxi.ii.vi.vii-p15.4 1815. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=12&scrV=47#xxi.ii.vi.vii-p18.1 1816. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=13&scrV=12#xxv.iii.iii.ii-p33.1 1817. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=13&scrV=13#xxi.ii.iii.iii-p54.2 1818. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=13&scrV=13#xxv.iii.iv.xvi-p14.1 1819. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=13&scrV=18#xxv.iii.iii.iii-p37.3 1820. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=13&scrV=21#xxi.ii.iv.iv-p7.3 1821. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=13&scrV=31#v.ii.iv-p42.22 1822. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=2#xxv.iii.iii.viii-p29.1 1823. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=3#xxi.ii.iii.viii-p92.2 1824. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xviii.ii.xii-p3.1 1825. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#x.ii-p16.2 1826. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xiv.ii.iii-p66.1 1827. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xviii.ii.xix-p6.1 1828. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xxi.ii.vi.ix-p6.1 1829. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xxi.ii.i.iv-p26.2 1830. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xxi.ii.i.vi-p12.1 1831. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xxi.ii.i.vi-p28.1 1832. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xxi.ii.i.x-p12.1 1833. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xxi.ii.iii.iii-p25.1 1834. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xxi.ii.iii.vii-p24.2 1835. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xxi.ii.iii.viii-p42.2 1836. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xxi.ii.iv.ii-p18.1 1837. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xxi.ii.iv.iii-p87.1 1838. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xxii.ii.iii-p36.1 1839. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=6#xxv.iii.iii.iv-p20.1 1840. 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file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=5#xxv.iii.iii.vii-p6.1 2621. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=5#xxv.iii.iii.vii-p21.1 2622. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=5#xxv.iii.iii.vii-p40.1 2623. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=5#xxv.iii.iii.vii-p58.1 2624. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3?scrBook=Col&scrCh=3&scrV=17#xxi.ii.iv.iii-p23.2

Letter LXIV.--To Diodorus (fragment). (part 5)

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file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3#xxiv.ii-p69.1 3716. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3#xxi.ii.iii.vi-p15.15

Letter LXIV.--To Diodorus (fragment). (part 6)

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4952. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3#x.i-p5.9 4953. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3#xiv.ii.vii-p20.11 4954. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3#xxi.ii.i.xi-p66.1 4955. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3#xxi.ii.iii.viii-p88.1 4956. file:///ccel/s/schaff/npnf204/cache/npnf204.html3#xxi.ii.iii.viii-p28.1

Letter LXIV.--To Diodorus (fragment). (part 7)

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# Jerome: Principal Works

__________________________________________________________________

Title: NPNF2-06. Jerome: The Principal Works of St. Jerome Creator(s): Jerome, St. Schaff, Philip (1819-1893) (Editor) Freemantle, M.A., The Hon. W.H. (Translator) Print Basis: New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co., 1892 Rights: Public Domain CCEL Subjects: All; Proofed; Early Church; LC Call no: BR60 LC Subjects:

Christianity

Early Christian Literature. Fathers of the Church, etc. __________________________________________________________________

A SELECT LIBRARY

OF THE

NICENE AND

POST-NICENE FATHERS

OF

THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.

SECOND SERIES

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH WITH PROLEGOMENA AND EXPLANATORY NOTES.

VOLUMES I-VII.

UNDER THE EDITORIAL SUPERVISION OF

PHILIP SCHAFF, D.D., LL.D.,

PROFESSOR OF CHURCH HISTORY IN THE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YORK.

AND

HENRY WACE, D.D.,

PRINCIPAL OF KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON.

VOLUME VI

JEROME: LETTERS AND SELECT WORKS

T&T CLARK

EDINBURGH

__________________________________________________

WM. B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY

GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN __________________________________________________________________

The Principal Works Of St. Jerome.

Translated

by

the hon. w. h. fremantle, M.A.,

Canon of Canterbury Cathedral and Fellow and Tutor of Balliol College, Oxford,

with the assistance of

The rev. G. Lewis, M.A.,

Of Balliol College, Oxford, Vicar of Dodderhill near Droitwick,

and

The rev. w. g. martley, M.A.,

Of Balliol College, Oxford. __________________________________________________________________

Translator's Preface.

------------------------

The grounds on which certain works of Jerome have been selected, as most important, for translation in this edition, while others have been omitted, are given in the Prolegomena (p. xvii-xviii).

The first draught of the translation was prepared by my coadjutors and former pupils, Mr. G. Lewis and Mr. W. G. Martley, who also added most of the notes; but I have gone minutely through every part, correcting, adding, and at times re-writing, both in the ms. and in the proof, and I have composed the Prolegomena and Indices.

I have endeavoured to make the work useful not to the theologian alone, but also to the historical student. The general reader will find interest and even entertainment in the parts of the work referred to in the Index under such headings as "Pictures of Contemporary Life," "Proverbs," "Stories" and "Quotations," or by looking at the Letters to which special attention is called in the Prolegomena at p. xviii. The Table of Contents also, in which a short description is given of the purport of each Letter, will help each class of readers to select the parts suitable to them. Finally, the Life of Jerome included in the Prolegomena, though closely compressed, has been furnished with copious references, which will make it a key to the whole work. It is only to be regretted that, through the impossibility of including Jerome's work on Illustrious Men and his controversy with Rufinus in the present volume, it is necessary to send the reader for a few of the most important facts to Vol. iii of this Series.

I can hardly expect that, in a work which has been carried through amidst many pressing engagements, which has been printed two thousand miles away, and of which I have had only a single proof to correct, I have been able to avoid all mistakes. But I hope that no inaccuracies have crept in of sufficient magnitude to mar the usefulness of the work. I have felt the responsibility of making the first translation of Jerome into English, especially as a translation once made acts as a hindrance to those who might wish to attempt the same task. But I trust that the present work may be found to be not altogether an unworthy presentment of the great Latin church-writer to the English-speaking world.

W. H. Fremantle.

Canterbury, November, 1892. __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________

Prolegomena to Jerome.

I.--Introductory.

St. Jerome's importance lies in the facts: (1) That he was the author of the Vulgate Translation of the Bible into Latin, (2) That he bore the chief part in introducing the ascetic life into Western Europe, (3) That his writings more than those of any of the Fathers bring before us the general as well as the ecclesiastical life of his time. It was a time of special interest, the last age of the old Greco-Roman civilization, the beginning of an altered world. It included the reigns of Julian (361-63), Valens (364-78), Valentinian (364-75), Gratian (375-83), Theodosius (379-95) and his sons, the definitive establishment of orthodox Christianity in the Empire, and the sack of Rome by Alaric (410). It was the age of the great Fathers, of Ambrose and Augustine in the West, of Basil, the Gregories, and Chrysostom in the East. With several of these Jerome was brought into personal contact; of Ambrose he often speaks in his writings (Apol. i. 2, iii. 14, in this series Vol. iii., pp. 484 and 526; also this Vol., pp. 74 and 496, Pref. to Origen and S. Luke; and the Pref. to Didymus on the Holy Spirit, quoted in Rufinus' Apology, ii. 24, 43, Vol. iii. of this series, pp. 470 and 480; also On Illust. Men, c. 124, Vol. iii. 383; see also Index--Ambrose); with Augustin he carried on an important correspondence (see Table of Contents); he studied under Gregory Nazianzen (80, 93; see also Illust. Men, c. 117, Vol. iii. 382) at the time of the Council at Constantinople, 381; he was acquainted with Gregory of Nyssa (Illust. Men, c. 128, Vol. iii. 338); he translated the diatribe of Theophilus of Alexandria against Chrysostom (214, 215). He ranks as one of the four Doctors of the Latin Church, and his influence was the most lasting; for, though he was not a great original thinker like Augustin, nor a champion like Ambrose, nor an organiser and spreader of Christianity like Gregory, his influence outlasted theirs. Their influence in the Middle Ages was confined to a comparatively small circle; but the monastic institutions which he introduced, the value for relics and sacred places which he defended, the deference which he showed for Episcopal authority, especially that of the Roman Pontiff, were the chief features of the Christian system for a thousand years; his Vulgate was the Bible of Western Christendom till the Reformation. To the theologian he is interesting rather for what he records than for any contribution of his own to the science; but to the historian his vivid descriptions of persons and things at an important though melancholy epoch of the world are of inestimable value. __________________________________________________________________

II.--Contemporary History.

The references in this Section, where numbers alone are given, are to the date A. D.

It seems desirable to prefix to this Introduction some account of the times of St. Jerome. General and ecclesiastical history must not be kept too far apart.

Jerome was born in the troubled times which followed the death of Constantine (337), and before Constantius became sole Emperor (353). He was still a schoolboy during the reign of Julian (361-63), and when he heard of his death. During his student life at Rome, Jovian and Valentinian were Emperors, and at Treves, where he next sojourned, the latter Emperor held his court. His first letter refers to a scene in which Ambrose, then Prefect of Liguria, seems to have taken part (370), and his settlement at Aquileia synchronises with the law of Valentinian restraining legacies to the clergy (370). He went to the East in the year of the death of Athanasius (373), and during his stay in the desert and at Antioch (374-80) occurred the death of Valentinian, the defeat and death of his brother Valens in the battle of Adrianople, the elevation of Theodosius to the purple, and the call of Gregory Nazianzen to Constantinople. He was ordained by Paulinus, one of the three Bishops of Antioch, and studied under Apollinaris, thus touching on both the chief points for which the Council of Constantinople was called (381). At that Council he was probably present, being, as stated above, a disciple of its president, Gregory Nazianzen. He was present also at the Western Council held the next year in Rome under Pope Damasus, whose trusted counsellor he became (pp. 233, 255). His later life, spent at Bethlehem (386-420), witnessed the division of the Empire between the sons of Theodosius, the fall of the Prefect Rufinus (p. 174), to whom Jerome had been denounced, the triumph of Stilicho and his death (at which he weakly rejoiced, p. 237), Alaric's sack of Rome (410) and his death, the revolt of Heraclian, the marriage of Alaric's successor, Adolphus, with the Emperor's sister, Galla Placidia, and the death of Arcadius (408); in ecclesiastical matters, it witnessed the rise of Chrysostom (398) and his exile (403) and death (407), the condemnation of Origenism (400), and the Pelagian controversy (415). It is of this period that we are now to give a sketch.

The Emperor Constantius "may be dismissed," says Gibbon, "with the remark that he inherited the defects without the abilities of his father." He died in Cilicia on November 3, 361; he had been stained in his youth by the blood of nine of his near relatives; he had fallen early under the dominion of the eunuchs of his palace; and he had done little for the defence of the empire. In ecclesiastical matters he had favoured the Arian cause, and had banished the orthodox Bishops of the principal sees, and had visited Athanasius of Alexandria with his especial displeasure. His jealousy of his cousin Julian, who had risen to fame by his just and vigorous administration and by his victories over the Germans, led him into acts which provoked the legions of Gaul and caused them to hail Julian as their Emperor. His overtures of peace were rejected by Constantius; he marched rapidly toward Constantinople, and Constantius, leaving the Persian war in which he was engaged, turned westward to meet him. The death of Constantius saved the world from civil war.

Julian's accession was hailed by all who felt the need of a strong ruler; and his first measures were just and tolerant. He recalled from exile the Bishops whom Constantius had banished; his private life was virtuous, and his love of learning endeared him to some of the best of his subjects. But his contempt of Christianity made him first impatient and then a persecutor. He forbade Christians, or Galileans as he called them, to teach in the schools, or to follow the learned professions; he restored Paganism, though it was observed that the Paganism he introduced was in many ways modified by Christian influence; and he favoured the Jews and wished them to rebuild their temple at Jerusalem. What the result of his retrogressive policy would have been it is hard to say. He died in a skirmish in the Persian war, on June 26, 363.

Jovian, who succeeded him, was a Christian; and his election showed that the anti- Christian policy of Julian had been without effect. He proclaimed a complete toleration, but died before reaching Constantinople, only six months after his election.

Valentinian, his successor, was an orthodox Christian, his brother Valens, whom he associated with himself, an Arian. Valentinian established his court at Treves, and successfully kept back the barbarians. Thither in 366 Jerome went for a time, and he describes the curious customs of the tribes whom he saw there (Against Jovinian, ii. 7, p. 394). The Emperors proclaimed toleration, which extended even to the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries. But their inquisitorial and cruel treatment of all suspected of magic arts had a repressive effect upon learning. Their foundation of schools and endowment of physicians for the poorer citizens show that the hopes of social improvement were not extinguished. Yet the state of society in Rome and in other large cities, as given at this time by Ammianus Marcellinus (cxiv. 6, xxviii. 4. See Gibbon, iv. 77. Ed. Milman & Smith), reveals to us the causes of the fall of Rome.

In the reign of Valentinian many ecclesiastical events of great importance took place. The election of Damasus to the Popedom in 366, when the rival factions of Damasus and Ursinus filled the whole city with their conflict, and churches were stormed and strewed with the slain, showed how important the Bishopric of Rome had become. "If you would make me Pope, perhaps I might become a Christian," said Prætextatus, the worshipper of the old gods, to Damasus, who wished to convert him (see p. 428). The law of Valentinian forbidding legacies to be made to the clergy shows also their wealth and deterioration (p. 92). But this reign produced some of the greatest Bishops and leaders whom the Church has known. Athanasius died in 373. Ambrose became Bishop of Milan in 374. Basil was Bishop of Cæsarea in Cappadocia from 370 to 379.

Meanwhile, the reign of Valens in the East was unsuccessful, and ended in a great disaster. The Visigoths, and Ostrogoths, or Gruthungi, pressed by the Huns, implored permission to cross the Danube from their settlements in Dacia and to be allowed to cultivate the waste lands of Thrace and Asia Minor. This was conceded to them; but they were ill treated and cajoled, and at last asserted their rights by force; and the Emperor, who attacked them near Adrianople, was defeated and slain, and his army destroyed (378). The Goths were now a formidable force within the Empire. It was in the year before the death of Valens (377) that Stridon, the birth-place of Jerome, was destroyed.

Valentinian had died in 375, leaving two sons, Gratian, an accomplished youth of eighteen, who became Emperor of Gaul and the West, and Valentinian II., then a child, who was nominal Emperor of Italy and the central provinces, and who, with his mother Justina, had his residence at Milan. Gratian distinguished himself by his conduct of several expeditions against the German tribes beyond the Rhine, and, upon the death of his uncle Valens, nominated Theodosius to be Emperor of the East. But he afterwards yielded to idleness and frivolous pleasure, and in 383 was murdered by the agents of the usurper Maximus.

Theodosius, the son of the elder Theodosius, who had recovered Britain and Africa for the Empire, but had on a false accusation been put to death at Carthage, was called to the Empire from his retirement in Spain. He showed himself a great and capable ruler. He took the Goths in detail and gradually dispossessed them. He put down the usurper Maximus (383), and on the death of the young Valentinian (392) fought against the usurper Eugenius, and became sole Emperor (394) in the year before his death. He reformed the laws, enacting the Theodosian Code. In his reign Paganism was finally suppressed. He caused a vote to be taken in the Roman Senate for the establishment of Christian worship and the suppression of Paganism. He destroyed the temples--the destruction of the Serapeum at Alexandria in 389 being the most notable instance of this--and supported Ambrose in his vehement efforts for the suppression of Paganism. Though he loyally befriended the Empress Justina, who was an Arian, and her young son Valentinian II., he did not support their demand for the toleration of Arian worship at Milan which Ambrose had denied to them, and he suppressed Arianism throughout the Empire. To settle the doctrinal disputes raised by the teaching of Apollinaris, Bishop of the Syrian Laodicæa, who held that the Logos in Christ supplied the place of the human soul, and the disputed succession at Antioch, where the Episcopal throne was claimed by the Arian Vitalis, the Trinitarian but Arian-ordained Meletius, and Paulinus the champion of the uncompromising orthodoxy of the West, he summoned the Council of Constantinople, which met in 381. The President of the Council was Gregory Nazianzen, who had come to Constantinople in 379, and, partly through his own eloquence and other great powers, partly through the influence of Theodosius, had won his way from the position of minister of a single church, the Anastasis, to the Episcopal throne. The Egyptian Bishops opposed him and vainly endeavoured to foist in the Cynic Maximus into his place. The Council did not succeed in settling the dispute at Antioch, but they maintained the Nicene creed, and added to it all the articles after "I believe in the Holy Ghost." The Council held at Rome in the following year (382), to which Jerome went with Epiphanius, Bishop of Cyprus, and Paulinus of Antioch (p. 255), contradicted that of Constantinople on the subject of the succession at Antioch, but agreed with it on the creed. Gregory Nazianzen soon after the Council resigned the Bishopric of Constantinople, and Damasus, Bishop of Rome, died in 384.

Theodosius was, like Henry II. of England, liable to violent accesses of passion. When the people of Antioch rose in insurrection in 387, and destroyed the busts of the Emperor, he gave an order that the city should be razed and reduced to the rank of a village, from which sentence he was only deterred by the entreaties of the Governor of the city and its Bishop, John Chrysostom. When a similar rising took place at Thessalonica in 390, he was not similarly appeased, but ordered that the people when summoned to the theatre should be massacred by his soldiers, and seven thousand men, women and children were thus put to death. Ambrose, on Theodosius' coming to Milan, refused to admit him to the communion of the Church till he had undergone five months of penance and showed his repentance for his crime.

On the death of the young Valentinian in 391, Eugenius the rhetorician usurped the throne of the West. Justina fled to the court of Theodosius, who, after long preparations, marched against Eugenius, and defeated him at Aquileia in 394. Theodosius, however, did not long survive his rival. After this last success he gave himself up to ease and self-indulgence, and died 395.

The Empire was divided between the sons of Theodosius. Arcadius, who became Emperor of the East, was eighteen years of age, and Honorius, fourteen. Both were weak characters, ill suited to cope with the growing dangers of the Empire. Arcadius married Eudoxia, a woman of a worldly and violent disposition. Honorius married the daughter of Stilicho, the great semi-barbarian general, who was his cousin, having married Serena, the daughter of Honorius, brother to the great Theodosius. Arcadius' minister, Rufinus, became so unbearable in his rapacity (see Jerome's allusion to him, p. 447) that a tumult was raised against him and he was put to death (395). Honorius removed his court to Ravenna, among the pine forests of which he was more secure from invasion; and, so long as he was under the guidance of Stilicho, was able to live in security.

John Chrysostom became Bishop of Constantinople in 398, and by his sermons and ascetic discipline exerted a large influence. But intrigues were raised against him by Theophilus of Alexandria on account of his reception of the Long Monks, whom Theophilus had banished in his zeal against Origenism. And the Empress Eudoxia, whom his plain speaking had offended, endeavoured to work his ruin. He was banished, after having been once brought back to the capital by the entreaties of the people, in 404, and died in 407, having continued to exercise his influence over the Church generally from his exile at Comana in Pontus. His remains were brought to Constantinople thirty years later, and were welcomed by Theodosius II. and his consort Eudocia with tears of repentance for the fault of their predecessors. Arcadius died in 408, leaving as his heir the young Theodosius, then but seven years old. His daughter Pulcheria and the Prefect Anthemius administered the Empire successfully; the Huns, who had entered the Roman territory and encamped in Thrace, were persuaded to withdraw, and the Eastern Empire enjoyed peace during the remainder of the reign of Theodosius II.

Turning to ecclesiastical affairs, we find a certain calm settling down upon the Church after the Council of Constantinople, and an unwillingness to reopen the subjects of strife. Men used the name of heretic rather as something to frighten their opponents, and sought to identify opinions which they disliked with the Arianism of the past, which all alike condemned. There were much fewer Councils of Bishops and no General Council for fifty years (Ephesus, 431). But other subjects of dispute arose, the Christian community being saturated with Greek contentiousness. The first of these related to Origenism. The works of the great and original church teacher of Alexandria of the third century (~254) had been little studied for above a hundred years, when a new interest in them arose both in the East and the West. The earnest study of Scripture which led to the formation of the Vulgate, or translation from the original into the vulgar tongue of the Latin world, led to a wish to consult the greatest textual writer and interpreter of Scripture who had as yet appeared; and those who learned from his Bible work to admire him were led also to study his doctrinal views. It happened to Origen, as to many modern teachers, that his name came to be identified with one or two prominent doctrines; and, as men speak of Calvinism or Erastianism or Hegelianism, so they spoke of Origenism. The doctrines which they connected with Origen were taken from his most important work, the Peri 'Archon, "on First Principles." They were mainly (1) his expressions relating to the subordination of the Son to the Father, and (2) his eschatology. As to the first of these, they took isolated expressions, such as, "The Son does not see the Father," or, "the Son is darkness in comparison with the Father," and they spoke of him as the father of Arius; as to the second, they fastened upon his speculative ideas, that the coming of men's souls into this world was a fall from a previous state of being; that men may rise into an angelic state; that the material body is destined to pass away; and that in the consummation of all things all spiritual beings, including the fallen angels, will be schooled into obedience, so that the universe may be brought back into harmony. Men were incapable of entering into the general system of Origen, and still more of understanding his historical position. The Pope Anastasius who condemned him in 404 says plainly that he knows neither who Origen was nor when he lived (see Vol. iii. 433); and they consequently took his tenets in an absolute sense, and thought of him as denying the divinity of Christ, or the condemnation of the wicked, or the resurrection of the body. His views were most widely spread in Egypt, where the contrary tendency of Anthropomorphism, that is, the conception of God as the subject of human properties and passions, was also widely prevalent. Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, at first was generally favourable to Origen, as was also Jerome; but, through various causes, not unmixed with personal feeling, he turned against Origenism in a fanatical and persecuting temper. He procured the condemnation of Origenism by the Bishops of Egypt, Syria, and Cyprus, and also by those of Rome and Italy; and he pursued those who had fled from his persecution to Constantinople, and branded Chrysostom, who had receive them, as a heretic. In all this he was aided by Jerome, who translated his missives into Latin (see Letters 86 to 100, 113 and 114). But the whole matter was transacted without any Council being called; the Bishops were taken as speaking the general sentiment, and their decisions were reinforced by a decree of the Emperors (400).

The second controversy (which also was disposed of without any General Council) was that of Pelagianism. Pelagius and Cælestius, monks of Britain, had come to Rome in 409, and maintained the doctrine of Free Will and the possibility of a man living without sin, against the Augustinian doctrine of Grace, which asserted the helplessness of man and issued in absolute predestinarianism. They passed into Africa with the crowds who were escaping from Alaric's invasion, and there confronted the influence of Augustin. Condemned by a Council at Carthage in 413, they passed into Palestine, and procured recognition from Councils held at Jerusalem and Diospolis in 415, notwithstanding the presence of Orosius, Augustin's friend, and the accusations of the Gaulish Bishops, Heros and Lazarus. Jerome was invited to write against them (pp. 272, 279), and their followers rose against him and burnt his monasteries (p. 280, Augustin De Gest. Pel. c. 66), after which they visited Ephesus and Rome, and were at first received by the Pope Zosimus; and several Bishops, of whom the chief was Julian of Eclana, espoused their cause. But Augustin's influence prevailed in the West, while in the East little interest was taken in a controversy which was humanistic rather than strictly theological, and men's minds were being drawn to the questions of Christology, which led to the Nestorian controversy and the Council of Ephesus (431).

The forces of the barbarians, which in the reign of Valens had threatened Constantinople, were diverted to the West in the reign of the sons of Theodosius. Those who remained within the boundaries of the Empire imbibed something of Roman civilisation, and, in many cases, became servants of Rome; and, as the subjects of the Empire withdrew through love of luxury from military duties, the power of the barbarians enlisted as mercenaries increased. Alaric, who now rose to power, occupied an ambiguous position. He marched with his Gothic army into Greece (396), and, being a Christian, thought himself justified in plundering the historic fanes of the old religion. He was attacked by Stilicho near the Isthmus of Corinth, and defeated, but he contrived to transport his army across the gulf and to take possession of Epiris (397), and the ministers of Arcadius thought it prudent to make peace with him. In 398 he became at once Master-General of Illyricum and King of the Visigoths; and, his rights not being respected by the Emperor of the West, he invaded the North of Italy. He was vanquished by Stilicho in the battles of Pollentia and Verona (403); but the conqueror, who well knew the increasing weakness of Rome, made peace with Alaric and acknowledged his official position. Alaric retreated for a time, but another barbarian invader, Radagaisus or Radaghast, with a mixed host of Vandals, Suevi, and Burgundians, forced his way to Florence. He was there met by Stilicho who gained over him his last great victory on the heights of Fiesole (406). The policy of conciliation adopted by Stilicho might have converted Alaric and his Goths into the guards of the Empire; but his action was disowned, and he was treated as a traitor and put to death in 408. Then Alaric advanced to the attack upon Rome. He was induced by fair promises to raise the siege; but, finding that no faith could be placed in the court of Ravenna, he renewed the siege, and took the city on August 26, 410. The only redeeming feature in the terrible destruction which ensued was the respect of the Goths for the Christian religion. They spared the clergy and the churches and those who had taken refuge in them; and even the rich plate and ornaments of divine worship were held sacred from their rapacity. But the knell of Roman greatness had been sounded, and the end of the Empire was near at hand. Alaric on leaving Rome ravaged Italy. He marched to Rhegium, the flames of which Rufinus saw from the opposite coast while he wrote his Commentary on the Book of Numbers (Vol. iii. p. 568); but his attempt to cross into Sicily was frustrated by a storm, and he himself died before the year of the sack of Rome had closed. His successor, Adolphus, made peace with Rome, and dared to ask for the hand of Galla Placidia, the sister of Honorius. The King of the Goths was accepted as the brother-in-law of the Roman Emperor.

The Empire of the West might now be compared to a ship heaving to and fro in a troubled sea, encompassed by enemies and without captain or rudder. Britain had revolted in 409. From 409 to 413 Gaul was a prey to revolutions, and the usurper Constantine was with difficulty overcome by the Roman General Constantius, only to be followed by fresh usurpers, Jovinus, Sebastian, and Attalus. The Count Heraclian dared to invade Rome itself in 413, though defeat and death were the penalty. One by one the provinces of the Empire passed into the hands of the barbarians. The Goths settled in Aquitaine and in Spain; the Vandals turned down into Africa; the Burgundians settled in the East and North of France, and the Franks in the centre. The ruin of the Empire of the West was practically consummated at the time of Jerome's death in 419, though sixty years of disaster and disgrace intervened before its final extinction.

Meanwhile the distressed condition of Italy had driven large numbers of persons, especially of the clergy and the upper classes of society, to take refuge in the East, so as almost to justify Thierry's designation of the movement as an emigration to the Holy Land. Jerome and his friends received this tide of fugitives at Bethlehem, and corresponded with those left behind; and thus the evils of the time made the Solitary of the East the chief Doctor of the West. __________________________________________________________________

III.--Life of Jerome.

The figures in parentheses, when not otherwise indicated, refer to the pages in this volume.

For a full account of the Life, the translator must refer to an article (Hieronymus) written by him in Smith and Wace's Dictionary of Christian Biography. A shorter statement may suffice here, since the chief sources of information are contained in this volume, and to these reference will be continually made.

Childhood and Youth. A.D. 345. Jerome was born at Stridon, near Aquileia, but in Pannonia, a place which was partially destroyed in the Gothic invasion of 377 (On Illustrious Men, 135, Vol. iii. p. 304). Jerome's own property, however, remained, though in a ruinous state, in 397 (140). His father Eusebius (Ill. Men, as above) and his mother were Catholic Christians (492), but he was not baptised in infancy. The family was moderately wealthy, possessing houses (140) and slaves (Apol. i. 30, Vol. iii. p. 498), and was intimate with the richer family from which sprang Bonosus, Jerome's foster brother and friend (6). The parents were living in 373 when Jerome first went to the East (35), but probably died at the destruction of Stridon. He had a brother, Paulinian, twenty years his junior (140, 173), and we read of a sister (8, 9), and an aunt named Castorina (13).

He received a good education, but declares that he was an idle boy (Vol. iii. 498). He was at a grammar school when the Emperor Julian died (Comm. on Habakkuk iii. 14) and soon after went to Rome with his friend Bonosus (6), where he studied rhetoric (at that time the all-embracing pursuit) under Ælius Donatus (Vol. iii. 491), and frequented 363 the law-courts (Comm. on Gal., ii. 13).

363-66. He fell into sin (9, 15, 78), but was drawn into the company of young Christians who on Sundays visited the tombs of the martyrs in the Catacombs (Com. on Ezek., ch. 40, v. 5), and is believed to have been baptised by the Pope Liberius in 366 (20). He was already a keen student, though as yet having little knowledge of Greek (Rufinus Apol. ii. 9, Vol. iii. p. 464), and had begun the acquisition of a library (35).

366-70. From Rome Jerome went with Bonosus to Gaul, passing, however, through Northern Italy, where they made acquaintance with Rufinus, probably at his native place, Concordia (Ep. v. 2, comp. with iii. 3, pp. 7, 11). He stayed at Treves (7), and travelled in its neighbourhood (394), and copied mss., and wrote a mystical Commentary on Obadiah (401).

Aquileia. Returning probably by Vercellæ (1) to Italy he was for three years at Aquileia, where he entered definitively upon the twin pursuits of his life, Scriptural study and the fostering of asceticism.

370-73. A society of congenial minds gathered round him, comprising Rufinus, Bonosus, Heliodorus (afterwards Bishop of Altinum), Chromatius (afterwards Bishop of Aquileia), and his brother Eusebius, and the Archdeacon Jovinus, the monk Chrysogonus, the sub-deacon Niceas, Innocentius, and Hylas, the freedman of the wealthy but ascetic Roman lady, Melania, together with Evagrius (afterwards Bishop of Antioch), who had come to Italy with Eusebius, Bishop of Vercellæ, on his return from exile. For the mention of these in various parts of Jerome's works, the Index must be consulted. These ascetics did not form a monastery. There were as yet no Orders or Rules. The vow was merely a "purpose" (propositum) which each privately took on himself and the terms of which each man freely prescribed. The Greek word Monachus (Monk) was used, but only implied living a single or separate life. Some were hermits (5, 9, 247), some lived in cities (121, 250). Jovinian was a monk, though antiascetic (378); Heliodorus (91) and John of Jerusalem (174) were monks, though Bishops. Some members of the ascetic society at Aquileia may have resided in the same house; but there was no cenobitic discipline. Jerome visited Stridon and the neighbouring town of Æmona (12), and perhaps resided at his native place for a time, but he complains of the worldliness of the people of his native town and of the opposition of their Bishop, Lupicinus (8 n. 10). The friends at Aquileia were united in the closest friendship.

373. Rufinus' baptism (7, Ruf. Ap. i. 4, Vol. iii. 436) and the writing of Jerome's first letter on "the woman seven times struck with the axe" are the only incidents which have come down to us of this period. We only know that the society was broken up by some event which Jerome speaks of as "a sudden storm," and "a monstrous rending asunder" (5).

Jerome determined on going to the East with Evagrius and Heliodorus; Innocentius, Niceas, and Hylas accompanied him (1, 5, 6, 10). Chromatius, Eusebius, and Jovinus remained in Italy. Bonosus retired to an island in the Adriatic, where he lived the life of a hermit (5, 9). Rufinus went to Egypt and subsequently to Palestine in the company of Melania (6, 7). Jerome and his companions travelled through Thrace, Pontus, Bithynia, Galatia, at the capital of which (Ancyra) he appears to have stayed (497), Cappadocia, and Cilicia, to Antioch, their haven of rest (5). But they did not long remain together. Heliodorus made a journey to Jerusalem, where he was the guest of Florentius (6).

374. Jerome was in ill health, and at length, in the middle of Lent (36), fell into a fever of which he nearly died. To this illness belongs his anti-Ciceronian dream (36, Apol. ii. 6, Vol. iii. 462), which finally determined him to abandon secular learning and devote himself to sacred studies. The successive deaths of Innocentius and Hylas left Jerome alone with Evagrius, at whose country house he fell in with the ancient hermit Malchus (315), and was encouraged by him in the ascetic tendency. He hoped to see Rufinus, wrote to him through Florentius (4, 6), but he did not come; and he determined to embrace the life of solitude. Heliodorus had some thought of accompanying him, but, to Jerome's great chagrin) felt the call to pastoral work to be the stronger, and returned to Italy (8, 13, 123).

The Desert. 374-379. Jerome spent the next five years in the Desert of Chalcis, to the east of Antioch (7). It was peopled by hermits who, though living apart for most purposes, were under some kind of authority (4, 21). Jerome wrote to their head, Theodosius, begging to be admitted into their company (4). His life while in the desert was one of rigorous penance, of tears and groans alternating with spiritual ecstasy, and of temptations from the haunting memories of Roman life (24, 25); he lived in a cell or cavern; he earned his daily bread, and was clad in sackcloth (21, 24), but he was not wholly cut off from converse with men. He saw Evagrius frequently (7, 8); he wrote and received letters and books (7, 11); he learned Hebrew from a converted Jew (Ep. xviii. 10), and copied and translated the Gospel according to the Hebrews (Ill. Men, 2, 3, Vol. iii. 362), and his brother solitaries he found only too accessible (Ep. xvii. 3). Towards the close of his sojourn he became involved in the controversies then agitating the Church at Antioch, where Arian Vitalis, the orthodox but Arian-ordained Meletius, and the Western Paulinus disputed the possession of the bishopric (20). Jerome found himself beset with demands for a confession of faith in terms strange to his Western education (19, 20). He appealed to Pope Damasus for advice (19, 20); but he and his friends found his position intolerable. They would rather, he says, live among wild beasts than among Christians such as those about them. In the autumn of 378 he wrote to Marcus, then head of the eremite community, to say that he only begged for the "hospitality of the desert" for a few months: in the spring he would be gone (21).

379. Accordingly, in the spring of 379 he came to Antioch and attached himself to the party of Paulinus, the Western and orthodox Bishop, who ordained him presbyter, though he then and always afterwards declined the active ministry (446). He pursued his studies under the celebrated Apollinarius of Laodicæa, though not accepting his views (176), and wrote his "Dialogue against the Luciferians" (319-334).

Constantinople. 380. The next year Jerome went, with his Bishop, Paulinus, to Constantinople, and was there during the Second General Council, at which the views of his teacher, Apollinarius, were condemned, and sentence was passed in the cause of his Bishop. He placed himself under the teaching of Gregory Nazianzen (80, 93, 357; Ill. Men, 117), and became acquainted with Gregory of Nyssa (Ill. Men, 128); he translated the Chronicle of Eusebius and dedicated it to Vincentius and Gallienus, the former of whom became henceforward his companion (483, 444-446); he imbibed his admiration for Origen, translating his Homilies on Jeremiah and Ezekiel, and writing to Damasus on the meaning given by Origen to the Seraphim in Is. vi. (22).

381. These literary labours were carried on under the disadvantage of a weakness of the eyes, from which he henceforward constantly suffered. But there is in his writings not a single reference to the Council of Constantinople, and only cursory references to that held the next year at Rome, in which he was certainly called to take part (233; Ruf. Epil. to Pamph., Vol. iii. 426, 513).

Rome. 382-5. He went to Rome with his Bishop, Paulinus, and with Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis in Cyprus. At the Council which was there held he was present as a learned man whose help the Pope required. There is no ground for the notion that he became his official secretary. But for the two main objects of Jerome's life his sojourn in Rome presented great opportunities. Damasus thoroughly appreciated his eminence as a biblical scholar. He constantly sent him questions, the replies to which form short exegetical treatises, such as those reckoned among Jerome's letters on the word Hosanna and the Prodigal Son. It was also for Pope Damasus that he undertook a revised version of the Psalms, a version which was used in the Roman Church for more than eleven centuries (492, 494), and also a revised version of the New Testament, the preface to which is of much critical value (487, 488; see also p. 357, where a whole clause in 1 Cor. vii. 35 is said to have been omitted in the old version because of the difficulty of translation). He further began the collation of the various texts of the LXX. and the other Greek versions of the Old Testament, and began to form the convictions which afterwards led to his translation direct from the Hebrew (484). These biblical studies made him acquainted with the works of Origen, and he conceived a great and almost passionate admiration for that "brazen-hearted" (Chalchenterus) worker and teacher of the Church (46), and he permitted himself to use expressions too indiscriminate in praise of him and too contemptuous towards his adversaries, which were afterwards thrown in his teeth (Ruf. Ap. ii. 14, Vol. iii. 467).

For the promotion of asceticism he found in Rome a congenial soil. Epiphanius, him- self the pupil of the hermits Hesychias and Hilarion (Sozom. vi. 32, Vol. ii. 369, 370), was the guest of the noble and wealthy lady Paula, the heiress of the Æmilian race (196), who was already disposed to the ascetic life. To the circle of her family and friends Jerome was soon admitted, and she became his devoted disciple and friend during the remainder of her life (Letter cviii.). Her son, Toxotius, and her daughters, Blesilla, the young widow (47-49), Paulina, the wife of Jerome's friend, the ascetic Senator Pammachius (135), and Julia Eustochium (196), each in special ways affected the life of Jerome. Her friends, Marcella and Principia (253), Asella (42, 58), Lea (42), Furia and Titiana, Marcellina and Felicitas (60) and Fabiola, all of them belonging to the highest Roman families, formed a circle of renuntiants who sought refuge in the ascetic life from the wastefulness and immorality of those of their own quality. Marcella's house on the Aventine was their meeting place (41, 58). There they prayed and sang psalms in the Hebrew, which they had learned for the purpose (210), and read the Scriptures under the guidance of their teacher (41, 255), who wrote for them many of his expository letters, whose ascetic writings they committed to memory, and whose private letters to them (Letters xxiii.-xlvi.) reveal the various phases of the new Roman and Christian life. These are concentrated in the Treatise on the Preservation of Virginity which he addressed to Eustochium (Letter xxii.). This period also produced the first of Jerome's controversial treatises, that against Helvidius on the perpetual virginity of Mary (334-346).

384-5. This congenial scene of activity and friendship was broken up by the death of Damasus. The new Pope, Siricius, to whom many had thought of Jerome as a rival (59), was without sympathy for him: he had offended almost every class of the community by his unrestrained satire (Letters xxii., xl., liv., etc.): he had awakened suspicion by his over praise of Origen (46); and at the funeral of Blesilla, whose end was believed to have been hastened by the hard life enjoined upon her, the fury of the people was excited against Jerome and the cry was raised "The monks to the Tiber!" (53). He felt that he was vainly trying to "sing the Lord's song in a strange land" (60) and he resolved to leave Rome for ever and to seek a retreat in Palestine. His departure in August and the feelings excited by it are described in a passage in his Apology against Rufinus (Ap. iii. 22, Vol. iii. 530) and in his letter to Asella (Letter xlv.) written at the moment of his embarkation at Ostia.

385-6. Jerome sailed with Vincentius and with his brother Paulinian (Vol. iii. 530 as above) direct to Antioch. Paula and Eustochium, leaving the other members of their family, went to Cyprus to see Epiphanius; and the two parties united at Antioch (198). Thence they passed through Palestine and Jerusalem, on to Egypt, where they visited the abode of the monks of Nitria (202) and became acquainted with Didymus, "the blind seer" of Alexandria (176): and they returned to Palestine in the autumn of 386, and settled at Bethlehem for the remainder of their lives.

Bethlehem, First Period. Jerome's life at Bethlehem lasted thirty-four years. A monastery was built, of which he was the head, and a convent for women over which Paula and Eustochium successively presided (206), a church where all assembled (206, 292), and a hospice for pilgrims who came to visit the holy places from all parts of the world (140). These institutions were supported by the wealth of Paula until, through the profusion of her charities, she was so impoverished that she rather depended on Jerome and his brother, who sold the remains of their family property for their support (140). He lived in a cell, surrounded by his library, to which he constantly made additions (Ruf. Ap. ii. 8 (2), Vol. iii. 464). He lived on bread and vegetables (165), and speaks of his life as one of repentance and prayer (446), but no special austerities are mentioned in his writings, and he did not think piety increased by the absence of cleanliness (33, 34). He never officiated in the services (83), but was much absorbed in the cares (140) and discipline (Letter cxlvii.) of the monastery, and by the crowds of monks who came from all parts of the world (64, 65, 500). Sulpicius Severus (Dial. i. 8) tells us that when he was with him towards the close of his life, he had the charge of the parish of Bethlehem; and the presbyters associated with him certainly prepared candidates for baptism (446); but his call, as he often confesses, was not to the pastorate, but to the study (Letter cxii.). He had youths to whom he taught Latin classics (Ruf. Apol. ii. 8 (2), Vol. iii. 465); and he expounded the Scriptures daily to the brethren in the monastery (Apol. ii. 124, Vol. iii. 515). Sulpicius speaks of him as always reading or writing, never resting day or night. Translations, commentaries, controversial works, letters dealing with important subjects, flowed constantly from his pen, while the notes passing between him and Paula and Eustochium were without number (Ill. Men, 135, Vol. iii. 384), and every thing that he wrote was caught up by friends or by enemies and published (79). He worked amidst great distractions, not merely from the cares of the monasteries and the hospice, but from the need of entertaining persons of distinction, like Fabiola (161), from all parts of the world (153, 287, 161); from the need of replying to the letters brought by messengers from the most distant countries for those who sought advice of the renowned teacher (Letters cxvi.-cxxx.); from prolonged illnesses (188, 215); at times from poverty; from the panic of barbarian invasions (161, 252), and from the attacks of his enemies, who in the year 417 burned his monasteries (281, 282).

He spared no pains nor expense in the production of his works. He perfected his knowledge of Hebrew by the aid of a Jew who came to him like Nicodemus by night (176); he also learned Chaldee (493); and for special parts of his Bible work he obtained special aid from a distance (491, 494), obtaining funds, when his own had failed, from his old friends Chromatius and Heliodorus (492).

386-92. The list of his works during the first six years of his residence at Bethlehem comprises the completion of the Commentary on Ecclesiastes, and the translation of Didymus on the Holy Spirit; the Commentaries on Ephesians and Galatians, Titus and Philemon (498); a revision of the version of the New Testament begun in Rome; a Treatise on Psalms x.-xvi., and Translation of Origen on St. Luke and the Psalms; the Book on the Names of Hebrew Places, mainly translated from Eusebius; the Book of Hebrew Proper Names and that of Hebrew Questions on Genesis; the revision of his translation of the LXX., involving a comparison of Origen's Hexapla; a considerable part of the Vulgate; the Lives of the hermits Malchus and Hilarion; and the Catalogue of Illustrious Church Writers. The only letter preserved to us of this period is that written in the name of Paula and Eustochium to invite Marcella to come to Palestine (60).

Bethlehem, Second Period. 392-405. The second period of Jerome's stay at Bethlehem is the period of his most conspicuous activity, which was partly employed in the salutary work of finishing the Vulgate and in writing letters which rank among the finest of his compositions, but largely also in controversies, in which the worst parts of his character and influence are brought into prominence.

395, 398 and 404-5, 394-97. There were also great external hindrances to his work: the panic arising from the invasion of the Huns, on account of which the inmates of the monasteries had to leave their homes and prepare to embark at Joppa (161); there were long periods of ill health; and there was the quarrel with the Bishop of Jerusalem which led to a kind of excommunication of the monks of Bethlehem (446, 447).

The letters of this second period are those numbered 47 to 116. They comprise those to Nepotianus, nephew of Heliodorus, on the duties of the pastorate (89-96); that to Heliodorus, on the death of his nephew (123-131); that to Paulinus, the Roman Senator, afterwards Bishop of Nola, on his poem in praise of Theodosius, and on the study of Scripture (96-102); that to Furia, on the maintenance of widowhood (102-109); that to the Spanish noble Lucinius, who had sent scribes to copy Jerome's works (151-154), and to his widow Theodora (154, 155); those to Abigaus, a blind Spanish presbyter (156, 157), and to Salvina, widow of Nebridius, and closely connected with the Emperor Theodosius (163-168); that to Amandus, the Roman presbyter, on a difficult case of conscience (149-151); the letter to Oceanus, defending the second marriage of a Spanish Bishop (141-146); the letter to Læta, wife of Toxotius, son of Paula, on the education of her infant daughter (189-195); and those gems of his writings, the sketches of the lives (Epitaphia) of Fabiola (157-163) and of Paula (195-212).

The Vulgate. 391-403. The work of Jerome's life, the Vulgate version of the Scriptures, was completed in this period. The version which bore the name of Vulgate, the popular or vernacular version, in his day (44, 487-488) was a loose translation of the LXX., of which almost every copy varied from every other. His first effort, therefore, was to translate, or to revise the existing translations, from a correct version of the LXX. And this revised version he used in his familiar expositions, in the monastery (Apol. ii. 24, Vol. iii. 515), though a great part of it was lost even in his lifetime (280), and all that now remains of it is Job, the Psalms, and the Preface to the Books of Solomon (494). But even the most correct text of the LXX., as he saw at once, was insufficient. In Origen's Hexapla the versions of Theodotion, Aquila, and Symmachus were given, together with two others called Quinta and Sexta, in parallel columns with the LXX. These constantly differed; and the only mode of deciding between them was by going back to the Hebrew--"Hebraica Veritas," as he constantly terms it (80, 486, 494).

392. Accordingly, he set himself at once, in his settlement at Bethlehem, to the preliminary labours required for this task; and in the sketch of his works in the Catalogue (Vol. iii. 384; On Ill. Men, 135) he says: The New Testament I have restored according to the Greek original; the Old I have translated in accordance with the Hebrew."

393. But no portion was as yet published. In the following year he published the prophets (80) and sent other portions of his Old Testament version to Marcella at Rome, keeping the rest shut up in his closet (80), and awaiting the judgment of his friends on the portions submitted to them. He purposed from the first to publish the whole, as we see from what he calls his "helmeted preface" to the Books of Samuel and of Kings (489). But it was published in fragments, according as he had leisure to give it a final revision, or according as other circumstances were favourable. The series of Prefaces (487-494) shows that some parts were written or revised in great haste (492, 494), some parts extorted from him by the importunity of his friends (488; see Apol. ii. 25, in Vol. iii. 515); that he was subjected to severe censures and misunderstanding, as to which he was extremely sensitive; that at times he so shrank from publicity that he wished his friends only to read it privately; that he was often, especially in the later portions, dependent on his friends for the provision of the copyists (492, 494). The order of publication can be traced. The Books of Samuel and of the Kings came first, then Job and the Prophets, Ezra and Nehemiah, and the Book of Genesis. Thus far he had proceeded in the year 393 when a break of three years occurred through external hindrances, of which the panic of the invasion of the Huns was the chief.

395. He then, at the entreaty of Chromatius and Heliodorus (492), completed the Books of Solomon, intending to proceed systematically to the end.

398. But illness intervened, after which he states that the first eight books were still wanting in the copies made for the Spaniard Lucinius (153);

403. nor was the publication resumed till five years later, when the remaining books from Exodus to Ruth and the Book of Esther were brought out (489, 491).

404. The whole was then collected, by others rather than by himself, and gradually superseded all other Latin versions, and, coupled with the version of the New Testament previously made, became the received, or Vulgate, edition of the Bible.

393-404. The second period of Jerome's stay at Bethlehem is the period of his great controversies. These are no less than six in number. (1) That with Jovinian on ascetic practices. (2) That with the Origenists, in which he worked with Theophilus of Alexandria and the Western Bishops. (3) That with John, Bishop of Jerusalem. (4) That with Rufinus. (5) That with Vigilantius. (6) That with Augustin. These may be described somewhat cursorily, the reader being referred for a more detailed statement of them to the Letters and Treatises themselves and to the notices prefixed to them.

(1) Jovinian. Jovinian was a Roman monk or, rather, solitary (for many took private monastic vows without entering any order or monastery) who had perceived the danger of degrading the ordinary Christian life which lurked in the profession of asceticism. He was not, to judge by Jerome's quotations from him (347), a man of superior ability; but there are no apparent grounds for the imputations which Jerome throws upon his character. He put off the monastic dress, and lived like other men; and, though he refused to marry, maintained his right as a Christian to do so. He argued that the conditions of virginity, marriage, and widowhood were equal in God's sight, provided men lived in faith and piety; and that eating and fasting were indifferent if men gave God thanks. He seems to have had some influence, and it is stated that some who had made vows of virginity were led through his teaching marry. Certainly his views were condemned by the Pope Siricius, by Ambrose, and by Augustin.

393. He published a book in Rome, maintaining these opinions, and others of a more speculative character, which was sent to Jerome, and was at once answered by him in his treatise "Against Jovinian" (346-416). The more speculative matters he deals with calmly; but the anti-ascetic views he treats with violence and contempt. "These are the hissings of the old serpent; by these the dragon expelled man from Paradise." His intemperateness, which threw contempt upon marriage, was severely blamed by his friends at Rome, who tried to stop the publication (79; see also Ruf. Apol. ii. 44, Vol. iii. 480); but he only replied by renewed expressions of derision, and, several years later, when he has occasion to refer to Jovinian, he says, "This man, after being condemned by the authority of the Roman Church, amidst his feasts of pheasants and swine's flesh, I will not say gave up, but belched out, his life" (417).

(2) Origenism. 393-403. The second great controversy in which Jerome was engaged at this period relates to Origenism, about which a great controversy had arisen at Alexandria, leading to its condemnation by the Bishops of Palestine and Cyprus in the East, and by the Pope and the Bishop of Milan and others in the West.

The great church teacher of Alexandria in the third century was but little known in the West. Anastasius the Pope, in the year 399, declared that he neither knew who he was nor what he had written (Vol. iii. 433). Jerome, who had made acquaintance with his writings during his first sojourn in the East, conceived a strong admiration for him; he did not, indeed, accept all his views, as may be seen from the first letter in which he alludes to him (22); but on his coming to Rome he did all in his power to make him known. He was invited by Damasus to translate some of his works (485); and when he found ignorant condemnations passed upon him he praised him with his usual vehemence and without discrimination, even eulogizing the Pepi 'Archon on which the subsequent controversy mainly turned (46; Ruf. Ap. ii. 13, Vol. iii. 467). He had also quoted without blame in his Commentary on the Ephesians statements such as those relating to the pre-existence of human souls and possible restoration of Satan (Ruf. Apol. i. 448, 454). But it was rather a literary enthusiasm and an admiration of original genius than an express consent to Origen's system. His calm judgment in later years was, that his literary services to the Church were inestimable, but that his doctrinal views were to be read with the greatest caution, and that those specially impugned were heretical (176, 177, 238, 244). It must be allowed, however, that he appears in his earlier stage as the vehement panegyrist of Origen (46, 48), and in his later stage as his equally vehement condemner; and also that this change seems less the effect of conviction than of a fear of the imputation of heresy (Apol. iii. 33, Vol. iii. 535).

The monks in the deserts near Alexandria were divided, some holding Origenistic views, and some those of an opposite tendency and verging upon Anthropomorphism. Theophilus, the Bishop of Alexandria, at first sided with the Origenists, but afterwards turned against them, and became their relentless persecutor. During his former phase he was appealed to by John, Bishop of Jerusalem, in his controversy with Epiphanius and Jerome (427), and took his part so vehemently that he sent his confidant Isidore to Jerusalem, nominally to inquire, but really to crush out all opposition, as he stated in a letter to John (444). This letter fell into the hands of Jerome and his friends, and the intentions of Theophilus were frustrated. A period of suspicious silence followed (134); but when Theophilus had undergone his change he found a ready instrument in Jerome, who threw himself eagerly into the conflict (182-184), translated the encyclicals of Theophilus (185, 186, 189) which led to the condemnation of Origen in the East, and even his diatribe against St. John Chrysostom for receiving Isidore and his brethren, whom Theophilus now treated as his enemies (214). Jerome also, through his friends Pammachius, Marcella, and Eusebius (186, 256), procured the condemnation of Origen in the West.

(3) John of Jerusalem. The controversy with John of Jerusalem forms an episode in the more general controversy. John had been trained among the Origenistic ascetics, Epiphanius among the anti-Origenists. Jerome appears to have undergone no change in his sentiments as to Origen during the first period of his stay at Bethlehem [see his Preface to the Book of Hebrew Questions (486, 487) written in 388], and was on good terms with the Bishop of Jerusalem and with Rufinus, who was then living on the Mount of Olives.

393. But at the beginning of the second period a certain Aterbius came to Jerusalem and spread suspicion and alarm of heresy. Jerome, perhaps weakly, "gave him satisfaction" as to his faith (Apol. iii. 33, Vol. iii. 535), while by John and Rufinus he was treated as a busybody (id.). This produced the first estrangement, which was greatly increased by the visit of Epiphanius in the following year. The scenes which followed may be read in Jerome's treatise, "Against John of Jerusalem" (430) and in Epiphanius' letter translated by Jerome (83-85). Epiphanius was popular at Jerusalem, and after a scene in the church, in which he preached against Origenism and John against Anthropomorphism, a breach was made between the two prelates. Epiphanius came to stay at Bethlehem, and spoke of John as well nigh a heretic. John spoke of Epiphanius as "that old tard" (430). The monks of Bethlehem took part with Epiphanius; and he, to prevent their being deprived of clerical ministration by Bishop John, ordained Jerome's brother Paulinian at his monastery of Ad in the diocese of Eleutheropolis. He was then only thirty years old, and was ordained against his will, and with the employment of force and even gagging (83). Epiphanius, returning to Cyprus, wrote to John a letter explaining his conduct (83-89) which was translated by Jerome, but which did little to allay the strife. John placed the monasteries, at least partially, under an interdict (446-447), and appealed to Rome and to Alexandria, and afterwards to Rufinus, the Pretorian Prefect at Constantinople (174, 447). Theophilus at first took John's side vehemently; but the mission of his confidant Isidore miscarried (444, 445), and after some time his views of the situation changed and he made peace with Jerome and his friends.

397 or 398. John also was appeased; and Jerome, who had written a long and bitter account of the controversy in his treatise to Pammachius "Against John of Jerusalem" (424-447), seems suddenly to have let the whole matter drop; the treatise was not finished and was not published, and we read of the strife no more.

(4) Rufinus. 398-404. The quarrel with Jerome's early friend Rufinus did not, like that with John pass away. Jerome had deeply loved Rufinus (4) and highly respected Melania in early days (5, 7, 53). He had spoken of Rufinus in his Chronicle for the year 378 as "insignis monachus" (Ruf. Ap. ii. 25, 26, Vol. iii. 471); we do not read of any estrangement till some years after his return to Palestine.

392. We do not, indeed, find the warm affection which we should expect in two intimate friends who meet after a long separation; and it is possible that Jerome's omission of Rufinus' name from his Catalogue of Church Writers may indicate a coolness on one side which was resented on the other. But they admit that their friendship remained (Ruf. Ap. ii. 8 (2), vol. iii. 465), and that there was frequent intercourse between the monks of Bethlehem and those of the Mount of Olives (id.).

393-394. The visit of Aterbius (Ap. iii. 33, Vol. iii. 535) and that of Epiphanius mark the time of estrangement. Rufinus was with Bishop John in the scenes in the Church of the Resurrection, and is mentioned in Epiphanius' letter as a presbyter as to whose views he is paternally anxious (84-87). In the quarrel between John and Jerome Rufinus took decidedly the Bishop's side (84, 430, compared with 250). Jerome's mind grew full of suspicion, so that he even imputed to him that he had bribed some one in the monastery at Bethlehem to steal from the lodgings of Fabiola his translation of the letter of Epiphanius to John (Ap. iii. 4, Vol. iii. 521).

397. But when Rufinus was leaving Palestine, friendship was restored. They partook together of the Eucharist, and joined hands (Ap. iii. 33, Vol. iii. 535), and Jerome accompanied his friend some way upon his journey; but the reconciliation was short-lived. When in Rome, Rufinus prefixed to a translation of Origen's Peri 'Archon a preface (168-170) which referred in laudatory terms to Jerome as his forerunner in this work, thus seeming to expose Jerome to the suspicions and condemnation which might be expected to fall on one who undertook such a work. This work was sent to Jerome by his friends Pammachius and Oceanus (175), together with a Preface written by Rufinus to a translation of the Apology for Origen by Pamphilus the Martyr. They spoke of the alarm excited at Rome by the translation of the Peri 'Archon, and their suspicions that the translation was so made as to veil the heresies contained in the original work; they begged that Jerome would translate the work as it stood in the original, and pointed out that his own reputation for orthodoxy was at stake (175). Jerome at once complied. He sent to them a literal translation of Origen's work together with a letter describing the relation in which he had stood and still stood to Origen: he admired him as a biblical scholar, but had never accepted him as a dogmatic teacher (176, 177). He at the same time wrote a letter to Rufinus, couched in friendly terms, but remonstrating with him for the use he had made of his name (170). This letter, having been sent to Jerome's friends at Rome, was kept back by them (Ap. i. 12, Vol. iii. 489) and not delivered to Rufinus, and thus the quarrel, which might have been allayed, became irreparable.

401-404. The further progress of the dispute is described in the notice prefixed to the Apologies of Jerome and Rufinus (Vol. iii. 434-5, 482, 518). It may suffice here to say that this disgraceful and unseemly wrangle between two well-known Christian teachers, conducted publicly before the whole Church, and breeding a hatred which Jerome continued to express even after Rufinus' death (498, 500) has only one redeeming feature to the historian, namely, that it brings to our knowledge many instructive facts which would otherwise have lain hid.

396. (5) Vigilantius. The controversy with Vigilantius consists only of Jerome's letter to him (131-133) and the treatise "against Vigilantius" (417-423). He had been originally introduced to Jerome by Paulinus, Bishop of Nola, who spoke of him in high terms (123). No questions arose between them during his stay at Bethlehem. He even spoke of Jerome at times with extravagant praise (132). But he appears to have had some connection with Rufinus (Ap. iii. 19, Vol. iii. 529), and Jerome accused him afterwards of having conveyed some mss. into the monastery at Bethlehem, probably from that on the Mount of Olives (Apol. iii. 5, 19, Vol. iii. 521, 529). Jerome afterwards heard a report that Vigilantius had written and spoken against him in various places (131), and had accused him of Origenism. To this his letter is a reply. The anti-ascetic writings of Vigilantius to which Jerome's treatise is a reply have not come down to us. Gennadius (de Script. Eccl. 35) says that he was an ignorant man, but polished in words. But, whatever his ability or literary power, he was one of the few who were able to judge rightly of the ascetic and superstitious practices by which Christianity was being overlaid; and it is on this point that Jerome is most violent and contemptuous in his treatment of him. The notices prefixed to the Letter (131) and Treatise (417) will complete this statement.

394-404. (6) Augustin. The remaining controversy of this period is that with St. Augustin. The two men had at an earlier time had some friendly relations, and Alypius, Augustin's friend, had stayed with Jerome at Bethlehem. But Augustin, then coadjutor Bishop of Hippo, in a letter to Jerome (112), found fault with some of his statements in his Commentary on the Galatians, to which, no doubt, his attention had been called by Alypius. Jerome had maintained that the scene in Gal. ii. in which St. Paul rebukes St. Peter for inconsistent compliances with Judaism, was a merely feigned dispute, arranged between the two Apostles in order to make the truth clear to the members of the Church. Augustin objects that this is practically imputing falsehood to the Apostles. He touched upon other points, such as the translation of Scripture and the doctrine of marriage, in a manner savouring of assumption, considering the high position of Jerome, who was also eight years his senior. Through a strange series of misadventures, which illustrate the difficulty of communications at that epoch, this letter was never delivered to Jerome till nine years after it was written. It fell into the hands of persons who copied it, and became known in the West. Jerome heard casually that it had been seen among his works in an island in the Adriatic. It appeared as if Augustin had wished to gain credit by attacking a well-known man behind his back. And this suspicion was hardly allayed by a second letter from Augustin, which partially explained what had occurred (140), or by a third, in which, in answer to a letter from Jerome sending some of his works and warning his correspondent that, if it came to blows, the result might be like that described in Virgil, where the old Entellus strikes down young Dares, Augustin criticises both severely and ignorantly Jerome's great work of translating the Hebrew Scriptures. Jerome's patience begins to fail (189). "Send me your original letter," he says, "signed by your own hand, or else cease to attack me." And he comments in his turn somewhat sharply on some of Augustin's interpretations of the Psalms. It was only on the receipt of Augustin's reply to this letter (214), couched in terms of deep respect, and deprecating any ill feeling between Christian friends, such as had arisen in the case of Rufinus, that Jerome finally answered the original letter, written ten years before, and received a letter which completely restored friendship. Henceforward they are at one. Letters pass freely between them; Augustin consults Jerome on the difficult question of the origin of souls (272, 283), and foregoes the expression of Traducianism, to which he is inclined, in deference to Jerome's objections; and he consults him on the Pelagian question, and sends Orosius to sit at his feet. Jerome recognises that each has his proper gift, and gives a plenary adherence to all that Augustin teaches. Alypius, their original link, is joined with Augustin in the address of Jerome's last letter to him (282); Paula, the grand-daughter of Jerome's chief friend, is called by him the granddaughter of Augustin; and through this unity the families of Paula and Melania, which had been severed by the adherence of the one to Jerome and the other to Rufinus, are reunited by the coming of Pinianus and his wife, the younger Melania, from the church of Hippo to the convent at Bethlehem. The letters from which this episode is drawn are incorporated into the volume containing works of Augustin, and are not reprinted here. But no life of Jerome, however limited or unpretending, would be satisfactory without some account of the relations of the two great doctors of Latin Christianity.

Bethlehem, Third Period. 405-420. The last period of Jerome's life was passed in the midst of privations, the loss of friends, and frequent illnesses. Paula had died. Jerome was poor (500, 214, 215) and often weak (498, 500). His eyesight failed (id.). He had enemies around him (261, 262) and in the high places of the Empire (237, 499). The barbarians were sweeping across the Empire (237, 500), some, like the Isaurians, threatening the North of Palestine (214) and even penetrating at one time to Southern Syria and Egypt (id.), while the main stream, after devastating Jerome's native Dalmatia, passed on under Alaric to the sack of Rome.

410. Fugitives from Rome and Italy crowded to Bethlehem, adding greatly to Jerome's labours (499, 500). It seemed as the end of the world were at hand (260). In the sack of Rome Pammachius and Marcella died (257, 500). Eustochium followed them eight years later. The controversy with the Pelagians led to the burning of the monasteries at Bethlehem, probably also to renewed estrangement of his Bishop, John of Jerusalem, and his successor Praylus.

417. But he continued his work with no abatement of ardour or vigour, as may be seen from the Prefaces to his later Commentaries (500, 501). He had still friends about him, Pinianus, Albina, Melania, and the younger Paula (Ep. cxliii.); a few survivors even in Rome, Oceanus and the younger Fabiola (252, 253); and men in many lands who honoured and consulted him, as is seen by his letters; and, above all, the friendship of Augustin. The letters of this period take a wider range than those going before, Jerome's fame being now world-wide; their addresses embrace Dalmatia (220), Gaul (215), Rome (252, 253), and Africa (260, 261). Their contents will be best estimated from the notices prefixed to them; but we may mark as specially important the ascetic letter to Rusticus, on the solitary life (244), to Ageruchia, and those on perseverance in widowhood (230), and to Demetrias on the preservation of virginity (260-272), which contain vivid pictures of the life (233) and events (236, 237) of the time, and of the sack of Rome (237, 257); the Memoir, addressed to Principia, of Marcella, who died from her ill treatment in that great day of doom (253); the letter to Evangelus (288) containing Jerome's view of the origin and mutual relations of the three orders of the Ministry; and that to Sabinianus, the lapsed Deacon, who had introduced disorder into the monasteries at Bethlehem (289-295).

Pelagianism. The only great controversy of this period is the Pelagian, in which Jerome seems to have engaged rather at the instance of others than on his own initiative. He shows some mildness in dealing with the Pelagians, and wishes more to win than to condemn them (449, 499); his temperament was not such as to incline him, like Augustin, to take an attitude of vehement hostility to the Pelagian tenets.

414-418. But Orosius came from North Africa, where the Council of Carthage had lately been held; and when, the next year, Pelagius and Cælestius came to Palestine, and Councils were held, first at Jerusalem under Bishop John, who was favourable to the reception of Pelagius, and subsequently at Diospolis, Palestine became the centre of the controversy.

416. Augustin from Africa and Ctesiphon from Rome appealed to him (272, 280); both Orosius and Pelagius quoted his words as making for them; and at length Jerome himself felt compelled to take the pen. He resorted in this his last controversial work, as in his first against the Luciferians, to the form of dialogue. The argument must be praised for its moderation, though it must be confessed that this is gained at the expense of liveliness; it was impossible for Jerome, as a "Synergist," or believer in the co-operation of the human will with the divine, to throw himself into the fray with the eagerness of a convinced Predestinarian. But he does not scruple to brand Pelagius as a heretic; and to a heretic he would show no mercy (449). His treatise, notwithstanding its fine drawn argument, made him at once the leader of the orthodox party in the East, and the target for the enmity of their adversaries.

416-7. A crowd of Pelagian monks attacked the monasteries, slew some of their inmates, and burned or threw down the buildings, the tower in which Jerome had taken refuge alone escaping (Aug. de Gestis Pelag. 66). This violence, however, was checked by a strong letter from Pope Innocentius (280, 281) to Bishop John, who died soon after; and Jerome, to whom the Pope wrote at the same time (280), speaks of Augustin's cause as triumphant (282), and of Pelagius, like another Catiline, having left the country, though Jerusalem remains in the hands of some hostile power which he speaks of under the name of Nebuchadnezzar (282). It cannot be said, however, that Jerome's arguments produced much effect in the East. He was withstood by Theodore of Mopsuestia (see Migne's Jerome, ii. 807-14) as "saying that men sin by nature, not by will"; and from the West also a treatise opposing his views was sent to him (282) by Annianus, a deacon of Celeda, to which he was never able to reply.

His Bible work during these last fifteen years consisted entirely of Commentaries on the Prophets. Those on the Minor Prophets were finished in 406; that on Daniel in 407; that on Isaiah in 408-10; that on Ezekiel in 410-14. That on Jeremiah up to ch. xxxii. occupied the remaining years. The Prefaces to these Commentaries {499-501) are full of interest, recording the sack of Rome (499, 500), the death of Rufinus (498, 500), and the rise of Pelagianism, while the Commentary on Ezekiel itself (Book ix.) speaks of the occupation of Rome by Heraclian. His failing health and eyesight (498, 500), the Pelagian Controversy, the other trials above mentioned (499) and the care of the monasteries and pilgrims (500, 501), increased by the death of Eustochium in 418, shortened his time for work, and his Commentary on Jeremiah was cut short at ch. xxxii. by his last illness. Yet his last work is full of energy and of his old controversial vigour.

The last year of his life is believed to have been occupied by a long illness, in which he was tended by the younger Paula and Melania. The Chronicle of Prosper of Aquitaine gives September 20, 420, as the day of his death. Many legends sprung up around his memory. His remains are said to have been transferred from the place where they were buried beside those of Paula and Eustochium, near the grotto of the Nativity, to the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore at Rome, and miracles to have been wrought at his tomb. His descriptions of hermit life in the desert no doubt gave rise to the tradition that he was always attended by a lion, as represented in painting and sculpture, especially in the well-known painting of Albert Dürer. With such traditions a historical work must not be burdened. __________________________________________________________________

IV.--The Writings of Jerome.

The following is a list of the writings arranged under various heads, and showing the date of composition and the place held by each in the Edition of Vallarsi, the eleven volumes of which will be found in Migne's Patrologia, vols. xxii. to xxx. The references are to the volumes of Jerome's works (i.-xi.) in that edition.

I. Bible translations:

(1) From the Hebrew.--The Vulgate of the Old Testament, written at Bethlehem, begun 391, finished 404, vol. ix.

(2) From the Septuagint.--The Psalms as used at Rome, written in Rome, 383, and the Psalms as used in Gaul, written at Bethlehem about 388. These two are in parallel columns in vol. x. The Gallican Psaltery is collated with the Hebrew, and shows by obeli () the parts which are in the LXX. and not in the Hebrew, and by asterisks (*) the parts which are in the Hebrew and not in the Greek.

The Book of Job, forming a part of the translation of the LXX. made between 386 and 392 at Bethlehem, the rest of which was lost (Ep. 134), vol. x.

(3) From the Chaldee.--The Books of Tobit and Judith, Bethlehem, 398, vol. x.

(4) From the Greek.--The Vulgate version of the New Testament made at Rome between 382 and 385. The preface is only to the Gospels, but Jerome speaks of and quotes from his version of the other part also (De Vir. Ill. 135; Ep. 71 and 27), vol. x.

II. Commentaries:

(1) Original.--Ecclesiastes, vol. iii., Bethlehem, 388; Isaiah, vol. iv., Bethlehem, 410; Jeremiah i.-xxxii., 41, vol. iv., Bethlehem, 419; Ezekiel, vol. v., Bethlehem, 410-14; Daniel, vol. v., Bethlehem, 407; the Minor Prophets, vol. vi., Bethlehem, at various times between 391 and 406; Matthew, vol. vii., Bethlehem, 398; Galatians, Ephesians, Titus, Philemon, vol. vii, Bethlehem, 388.

(2) Translated from Origen.--Homilies on Jeremiah and Ezekiel, vol. v., Bethlehem, 381; on Luke, vol. vii., Bethlehem, 389; Canticles, vol. iii., Rome and Bethlehem, 385-87.

There is also a Commentary on Job, and a specimen of one on the Psalms, attributed to Jerome, vol. vii., and the translation of Origen's Homilies on Isaiah, also attributed to him, vol. iv.

Books illustrative of Scripture:

(1) Book of Hebrew names, or Glossary of Proper Names in the Old Testament, Bethlehem, 388, vol. iii. 1.

(2) Book of Questions on Genesis, Bethlehem, 388, vol. iii. 301.

(3) A translation of Eusebius' book on the sites and names of Hebrew places, Bethlehem, 388, vol. iii. 321.

(4) Translation of Didymus on the Holy Spirit, Rome and Bethlehem, 385-87, vol. ii. 105.

IV. Books on Church History and Controversy (all in vol. ii.):

(1) Book of Illustrious Men, or Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers, Bethlehem, 392.

(2) Dialogue with a Luciferian, Antioch, 379.

(3) Lives of the Hermits: Paulus, Desert, 374; Malchus and Hilarion, Bethlehem, 390.

(4) Translation of the Rule of Pachomius, Bethlehem, 404.

(5) Books of ascetic controversy, against Helvidius, Rome, 304; against Jovinian, Bethlehem, 393; against Vigilantius, Bethlehem, 406.

(6) Books of personal controversy, against John, Bishop of Jerusalem, Bethlehem, 397 or 398; against Rufinus, i. and ii. 402, iii. 404.

(7) Dialogue with a Pelagian, Bethlehem, 416.

V. General History:

Translation of the Chronicle of Eusebius, with Jerome's additions, vol. viii., Constantinople, 382.

VI. Personal:

The series of letters, vol. i. Ep. i., Aquileia, 311; 2-4, Antioch, 374; 5-17, Desert 374-79; 18, Constantinople, 381; 19-45, Rome, 382-85; 46-148, Bethlehem, 386-418.

The works attributed to Jerome, but not genuine, which are given in Vallarsi's edition are: A breviary, commentary, and preface on the Psalms, vol. vii.; some Greek fragment and a lexicon of Hebrew names; the names of places in the Acts; the ten names of God; the benedictions of the patriarchs; the ten temptations in the desert; a commentary on the Song of Deborah; Hebrew Questions in Kings and Chronicles; an exposition of Job, vol. iii.; three letters in vol. i., and fifty-one in vol. xi., together with several miscellaneous writings in vol. xi. most of which are by Pelagius.

Bibliography.--The writings of Jerome were, on the whole, well preserved, owing to the great honour in which he was held, in the Middle Ages. Considering the number of the mss., the variations are not numerous. The Editio Princeps of the Letters and a few of the Treatises appeared in Rome in 1470, and another almost contemporaneous with this in Maintz (Schöffer), after which they were reprinted in Venice (1476), Rome (1479), Parma (1480), Nürenberg (1485), and in several other places. The Editio Princeps of the Commentaries appeared in Nürenberg in 1477, and was several times reprinted in other places; that of the Translation of Origen's Homilies on St. Luke, etc., in Basle, 1475; that of the Lives of the Hermits in Nürenberg, 1476, and of the Chronicle at Milan in 1475.

But the true Editio Princeps, containing Jerome's works as a whole, is that of Erasmus (Basle, 1516-20), who bestowed on it his great critical power, aided by his strong admiration for Jerome. He was assisted by OEcolampadius and other scholars. This held its ground till 1560, when an edition appeared by Marianus Victorius, afterwards Bishop of Rieti (Rome, Paulus Manutius), which enlarged the notes and corrected the text of Erasmus, but, like him, included many spurious writings. This edition was dedicated to Pius V. and Gregory XIII., and was the favourite edition of the Roman Church. In 1684 appeared the edition of Tribbechovius of Gotha (Frankfort and Leipzig) which embodied the emendations of critics up to that date, and was published at the expense of the Protestant Frederick, Duke of Saxony. In 1693 came the Benedictine edition of Martianay and Pouget (Paris), which gave the original text of the Vulgate and a new, though still very imperfect arrangement of the Letters and Treatises. But all previous editions were thrown into the shade by that of Dominic Vallarsi the learned priest of Verona (folio ed., Verona, 1734-42; quarto, Venice, 1766-72). In this edition the Treatises are separated from the Letters, and both Letters and Treatises are arranged in order of time, the dates and the process by which they are arrived at being clearly given. I have only in one or two instances found reason to alter Vallarsi's dates. The explanatory notes, however, are not as complete as might be wished, and the references are often wrong or imperfect. This edition is reprinted by Migne, who marks the pages of it in large print in the text, and most modern writers refer to it alone, as has been done in this volume.

Literature.--Three short Lives of Jerome, composed in the Middle Ages by unknown authors (one of which was falsely attributed to Gennadius), are given by Vallarsi in his Prolegomena (vol. i. 175-214); one of these is said by Zockler to be by Sebastian of Monte Cassino. Another, written in the fourteenth century by John Andreas of Bologna, was printed at Basle in 1514; and a work by Lasserré was published at Paris in 1530, with a curious title, "La Vie de Monseigneur Sainct Hierome," with "La Vie de Madame Saincte Paule"; and later works belonging to the uncritical region of thought were published later in Madrid by Bonadies in 1595, and by Cermellus in Ferrara (1648), the latter entirely made up of quotations from Jerome's writings.

Meanwhile the critical faculty had been aroused. Erasmus and Marianus Victorius prefixed Lives of Jerome to their editions of his works in 1516 and 1565; and Baronius in his Annals and Du Pin in his Bibliotheque des Auteurs Ecclésiastiques (1686) brought to light additional facts. Martianay at the close of his edition of Jerome's works published a Life, embodying many records of Jerome from the Fathers, but with many mistakes of chronology, some of which were rectified by Tillemont in his painstaking Mémoires (Paris, 1707) and by Ceillier in his Histoire des Auteurs Ecclésiastiques (Paris, 1742). The work of Sebastiano Dolci (Ancona, 1750) is entirely taken from Jerome's own writings.

But in reference to the Life as to the Writings of Jerome a new epoch was made by Vallarsi in the Preface and the Life prefixed to his Edition of Jerome. Though somewhat dry, it is thoroughly trustworthy, and in Migne's edition more accessible than any other to those who read Latin. The Bollandist Stilling (Acta Sanctorum, vol. viii., Antwerp, 1762), is less occupied with additions to our knowledge of the man and his works than with the honouring of the Saint. The work of the learned Dane, Engelstoft (1797), gives a more comprehensive estimate of Jerome's historical position than any of his predecessors. The account of Jerome in Schrökh's Ecclesiastical History (1786) and the articles of Cölln in Ersch and Grüber's Encyclopädie and of Hagenbach in Herzog's Real-Encyclopädie are excellent. In French we have the account of Jerome's ascetic influence in Montalembert's Monks of the West (Paris, 1861); and the Histoire de St. Jérome by Collombet (Paris, 1844) is useful in the appreciation of the personal and archæological part of the subject, though accepting with uncritical partisanship the polemical attitude of Jerome. We may add for English readers the articles Hieronymus in the Dictionaries of Greek and Roman Biography and of Christian Biography.

Our own generation has produced two excellent works: that of Dr. Otto Zöckler, Hieronymus, Sein Leben und Werken (Gotha, Perthes, 1865), and that of Amédée Thierry, Saint Jérome, la Société chrétienne à Rome et l'émigration romaine en terre sainte (Paris, 1867, originally published in the Revue des Deux Mondes). The former is a lucid, impartial, and comprehensive account of Jerome's Life and Writings; the latter, a series of very vivid and interesting sketches of Jerome himself, his friends and his times, which, though generally accurate, is occasionally swayed from truth by imagination, and at times is betrayed by sympathy with the modern Roman Catholic system into mistakes of judgment. Both these writers give copious and enlightening extracts from Jerome's writings in the original; but the value of those of Thierry is lessened by the references being to the ill-arranged edition of Martianay instead of that of Vallarsi.

It will be sufficiently obvious why it has been impossible to include all the works of Jerome in the present translation, but a few explanations may be desirable.

An exact translation of the Vulgate would serve no good purpose; and, if made, would naturally form part of a series designed to illustrate the criticism of the Scriptures.

The Commentaries and works illustrative of the Scriptures would by themselves form two volumes of equal size with the present. Though they contain much that is interesting--the opinions of various writers, such as Origen, Apollinarius, Gregory Nazianzen, or Didymus, a few celebrated passages, such as that which caused the controversy between Jerome and Augustin, and a few remarkable allusions to historical events, such as the capture of Rome by Heraclian--the general tenour of them is hardly of sufficient importance to justify the labour of translation or the bulk and expense of the additional volumes. An exception might be made in favour of the Book on the Site and Names of Hebrew Places; but this is a work of Eusebius rather than Jerome (see pp. 485, 486 and Prolegomena to Eusebius, Vol. i. of this series); and it was necessary to confine the Translation of Jerome to a single volume, with the exception of the Book On Illustrious Men and the Apology against Rufinus, which will be found in Vol. iii. of this Series.

The Chronicle of Eusebius would, if translated at all, find its place in the works of Eusebius.

The Books on Church History and Controversy are given in full.

Of the Letters, which, excepting the Vulgate, form the most important legacy of Jerome to posterity, all those which have a personal or a historical interest have been translated. The only omissions are (1) the exegetical letters, to which what has been said of the Commentaries applies; (2) the letters to Augustin, which will be found in Vol. i. of the first series of this Library, annexed to the letters of Augustin to which they are replies; and (3) the encyclicals and letters of Theophilus, which have been summarised.

For a separate statement of the works which are given in this volume the reader will naturally consult the table of contents; and, for a more detailed account of the books themselves, the introductions prefixed to each. __________________________________________________________________

V.--Estimate of the Scope and Value of Jerome's Writings.

General. The writings of Jerome must be estimated not merely by their intrinsic merits, but by his historical position and influence. It has already been pointed out that he stands at the close of the old Græco-Roman civilisation: the last Roman poet of any repute, Claudian, and the last Roman historian, Ammianus Marcellinus, died before him. Augustin survived him, but the other great Fathers, both in the East and in the West, had passed away before him. The sack of Rome by Alaric (410) and its capture by Heraclian (413) took place in his lifetime, and the Empire of the West fell in the next thirty years. Communication between East and West had become rarer and mutual knowledge less. Eusebius knew no Latin, Ambrose no Greek; Rufinus, though a second-rate scholar, was welcomed in Italy on his return from the East in 397 as capable of imparting to the Latins the treasures of the Greek Church writers. The general enfeeblement of the human mind, which remains one of the problems of history, had set in. The new age of Christendom which was struggling to the birth was subject to the influence of Jerome more than to that of any of the Fathers.

Secular Learning. As regards general learning, indeed, it was impossible that any legacy should descend from him. He had systematically disparaged it (35-36, 498), though making use and even a parade of it (101, 114, 149, 178); and had defended himself by disingenuous pleas from the charge of acquiring it after his mature convictions were formed (Apol. i. 30, 31, Vol. iii. 498-499). His influence, therefore, would but increase the deep ignorance of literature which now settled upon mankind till the times of the Renaissance. His style indeed, is excellent, correct, and well balanced, full of animation and of happy phrases (see Index--Proverbs), and passing from one subject to another with great versatility. It is contrasted by Erasmus with the barbarisms of the Schoolmen, as that of the Christian Cicero. But it has also Cicero's faults, especially his diffuseness. His Latinity is remarkably pure, and with the exception of the frequent use of the infinitive to express a purpose, and of a few words of late-Latin like confortare, we are hardly aware in reading him that we are 400 years away from the Augustan Age. His mastery of style is the more remarkable because he wrote nothing but a few letters and a very poor Commentary till about his thirty-fifth year.

Letters. His letters gain their special charm from being so personal. He himself, his correspondents, and the scenes in which they moved, are made to live before our eyes. See especially his descriptions of Roman life in the Epistles to Eustochium (Ep. xxii.), to Paula on the death of Blesilla (Ep. xxxix.), to Læta (Ep. cvii.) on the education of her child, and Ageruchia (Ep. cxxiii.); his account of the lives of Fabiola (Ep. lxxvii.), of Paula (Ep. cviii.), and of Marcella (Ep. cxxvii.); his description of the clerical life in his letter to Nepotian (Ep. lii.), and of the monastic life in his letters to Rusticus (Ep. cxxv.) and to Sabinian (Ep. cxlvii.); his letters of spiritual counsel to a mother and daughter (Ep. cxvii.), to Julianus (Ep. cxviii.), and to Rusticus (Ep. cxxii.), and of hermit life in his letter to Eustochium (Ep. xxii., pp. 24-25); his satirical description of Onasus (Ep. xl.), Rufinus (p. 250), and Vigilantius (p. 417); his enthusiastic delight in the Holy Land in the letter written by him to Paula and Eustochium inviting Marcella to join them (Ep. xlvi). Other characteristic and celebrated letters are those to Asella (xlv.) on his leaving Rome; to Pammachius (lvii.) on the best method of translation, which shows the liberties taken by translators in his time; to Oceanus (lxix.) in defence of a second marriage contracted by a Spanish Bishop, the first having been before baptism; to Magnus (lxx.), indicating his use of secular literature, and showing the great range of his knowledge; to Lucinius (lxxi.) on the copying of his works; to Avitus (cxxiv.) on the book of Origen, Peri 'Archon; to Demetrias (cxxx.) on the maintenance of virginity; to Ctesiphon (cxxxiii.) on the Pelagian controversy. (See also Index, words Stories and Pictures of Contemporary Life.)

Publication. Two circumstances conduced to the vividness and importance of this series of letters. One of these is the fact that no distinct line separated private documents from those designed for publication. In the Catalogue of his works (De Vir. Ill. 135)1 he says: "Of the Letters to Paula and Eustochium, the number is infinite: I write them every day." And, when he became celebrated, he says (79) that whatever he wrote was at once laid hold of and published, alike by friends and enemies. We have therefore frequently his most confidential utterances; while on the other hand his letters frequently pass into treatises, and he turns to address others than those to whom he is writing (59, 273, 274). But the process of publication was precarious; so that between Letters xlvi. and xlvii. there is a gap of seven years (386-93) without any letter. The other circumstance is the difficulty of communication, which made letters rare and induced greater care in their composition. Both these circumstances are well illustrated by the early correspondence of Jerome with Augustin. Augustin wrote from Hippo in Africa a long and important letter to Jerome (Ep. lvi.) in the year 394, which did not reach Jerome at Bethlehem for nearly ten years. It was committed to a presbyter named Profuturus to carry to Jerome; but he, being elected to a bishopric before he started, turned back, and soon afterwards died. The letter was neither forwarded to Jerome nor returned to Augustin; but it was copied by others and became known in the West, while its somewhat severe criticisms were unknown to Jerome himself. After a time Augustin became aware by a short letter of introduction written by Jerome to a friend that his first letter had miscarried, and he wrote a second (Ep. lxvii.) much in the same strain; but Paulus, to whom it was entrusted, alleging his fear of the sea, failed to go to Bethlehem; and a copy of the letter was found a year or two afterwards by a friend of Jerome's bound up with some of Augustin's treatises in an island of the Adriatic. Jerome on hearing of this was naturally incensed; and it was not till the year 404 that he received an authentic copy of both letters direct from Augustin, and was able to return an answer. His answer, however, and a knowledge of his views are fuller than they might have been had personal communication been easier.

Knowledge. His knowledge was vast and many-sided [See especially the enumeration of Christian writers who used Pagan literature (149-151), the curious stories about marriage gathered from all ages (383-386), the descriptions of various kinds of food and medicines (392-394) and the account of Pythagoras and his doctrines (Apol. iii., 39, 40, in this Series, Vol. iii. 538)], but it was rather the curiosity of the monks of a later day than the temper of the philosopher or the historian. He was well acquainted with the history and literature of Rome and of Greece; he translated the Chronicle of Eusebius; he speaks of the various routes to India (245), of the Brahmans (97, 193, 397), of the custom of Suttee (381), and of Buddha (380). But he is quite uncritical; he makes no correction of the faults of the Chronicle, and his own additions to it reveal his credulity. He was deeply affected by the sack of Rome, and recurs to it again and again; but his reflections upon this and similar events hardly go beyond those of a mediæval chronicler. He is a recluse, and has no thought of the general interests of mankind.

Church History. This lack of criticism and of general interests combined with lack of time to prevent his making any considerable contribution to church history. That he had some faculties for this is shown by several passages in his Dialogue with a Luciferian (328-331) and his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers (On Illustrious Men, Vol. iii. 361-384). But his conception of church history is shown by his declaration (315) that he intended the Lives of Malchus and Hilarion as part of a series, which when completed would have formed an ecclesiastical history. Such a history would have been nothing more than a prolix edition of Rufinus' History of the Monks. Jerome's value to the church historian is quite of another kind; it lies in the illustration of contemporary life furnished by his own life and letters and by the controversies in which he was engaged.

Theology. These controversies bring us to consider Jerome's position as a theologian. Here he is admittedly weak. He had no real interest in the subject. The first of his letters which deals with theology, that written from the Desert to Pope Damasus, points out clearly the difficulty raised by the difference of phraseology of East and West, the Eastern speaking of one Essence and three Substances, the Western, of one Substance and three Persons. But he makes no attempt to grasp the reality lying behind these expressions, and merely asks not to have the Eastern terms forced on his acceptance, while he professes in the most absolute terms his submission to the decision of the Bishop of Rome. This lack of genuine theological interest best explains his conduct in relation to Origen, his extravagant laudation of him at one time (46), his violent condemnation at another (187). He was carried away by Origen's genius and industry in the department of biblical criticism and exegesis in which he was himself absorbed, and though in his earlier discussion of the Vision of Isaiah (22), which touched the doctrine of the Trinity, he had put aside Origen's view that the Seraphim were the Son and the Spirit as wrongly expressing their relation to the Father, the doctrinal question was feebly present to his thoughts, and he repeated Origen's exposition without blame as to the pre-existence of souls and the restoration of Satan (Ruf. Apol. ii. 13, Vol. iii. 467). When the subject of Origen's orthodoxy was raised at a later time, he was unaware of any inconsistency when he fell in with the general condemnation of his doctrine. So with regard to Eusebius of Cæsarea. In the Preface to the translation of his Book on the Site and Names of Hebrew Places (485), he is "vir admirabilis"; in his controversy with Rufinus, Eusebius is nothing but a heretic. In his controversy with Augustin as to the quarrel between St. Peter and St. Paul in Gal. ii., which he interpreted as fictitious and pre-arranged with a view to bring out St. Paul's solution of the question about the Gentile converts, he was manifestly in the wrong, and eventually seems to have felt this, yet as one who was silenced rather than convinced. At a later period he says to Augustin (Ep. cxxxiv.), "If the heretics see that we hold divergent opinions they will say calumniously that this is a result of hatred, whereas it is my firm resolution to love you, to look up to you, to defer to you with admiration, and to defend your opinions as my own." His dread of heresy may be gathered from passage in the Anti-Pelagian Dialogue (i. 28) in which he expressly declares that, while sin can be forgiven, heresy, as being impiety, is subject to the threat: "They that forsake the Lord shall be consumed." It is true that in his Catalogue he shows wider sympathies, and defends himself in writing to Augustin for the admission into it of men like Philo Judæus and Seneca. But this, though it might have led him to the larger views of the heathen world held by Origen and Clement, did not prevent his condemning to eternal torments even the most virtuous of the heathen. He tells Marcella, a Roman lady (41-42), that one object he has in writing to her is to instruct her that the consul-elect Vettius Agorius Prætextatus, who was known as a model of public and domestic virtue, and who had then recently died, is in Tartarus, while their friend Lea, who had died the same day, is in heaven.

The lack of deep theological conviction is shown in his Dialogue against the Pelagians, where it is evident that he is far from that original and deep view of human corruption which Augustin maintained; indeed, he appears at times to be arguing against his own side, when he says (471) that, "Till the end we are subject to sin; not," (as the opponent falsely imputes to him) "through the fault of our nature and constitution, but through frailty and the mutability of the human will, which varies from moment to moment"--a sentence which might be taken as expressing the doctrine of Pelagius himself. It is evident that in these cases he is swayed not so much by the force of truth as by the authority of certain powerful Bishops and the wish to maintain his orthodox reputation. In his other controversies, with Helvidius, Jovinian, John, Bishop of Jerusalem, Vigilantius, and Rufinus, his method is take for granted the opinion current among the Christians of his day, and to support it by copious (sometimes excessive) quotations from Scripture, and by arguments sometimes well chosen and acutely maintained, as in the book against Helvidius (339), sometimes of the most frivolous character, as in that against Vigilantius (422). In the three last of these controversies the opposition is embittered by personal feeling, and Jerome hardly places any restraint on the contempt and hatred which it engenders.

In his criticisms on Scripture, however, he has a freer judgment, as when he says (337): Whether you think that Moses wrote the Pentateuch, or that Ezra re-edited it, in either case I make no objection;" or (349) that it was the Book of Deuteronomy which was found in the Temple in the reign of Josiah; or contrasts "the flickering flame of the Apostles" with the brightness of the lamp of Christ" (468). There are three points especially on which Jerome reached an independent conviction, and maintained it courageously. (1) He made a clear distinction between the Old Testament Canon and the Apocrypha (194, 491, 492, 493) and this although he records the fact that the Nicene Council had placed the Book of Judith in the Canon (494). For this he is justly commemorated in the Articles of the Church of England (Art. 6). (2) He maintains the essential identity of Bishops and Presbyters (288) and the development of the Episcopal out of the Presbyteral office (288, 289), in the face of the rapid tendency to the extreme exaltation of the Episcopate (92). (3) In the great work of his life, the composition of the Vulgate, he showed a clear and matured conviction, and a noble tenacity, unshaken either by popular clamour (490) or authority like that Augustin (189).

A few words may here be said on the asceticism which Jerome so eagerly promoted. If we ask how it was that he embraced it so fervently as to read it into almost every line of the Scriptures, we can only answer that it was part of the spirit of the time. Jerome had not the elevation of mind which might have enabled him to exercise a judgment upon the current which was bearing him away, or the higher critical power which would distinguish between what was in the Scriptures and what he brought to them. His habit of mind was to accept his general principles from some kind of church authority, which was partly that of the Bishops, partly the general drift of the sentiment of the Christians of his day; and having accepted them, to advocate them vehemently and without discrimination. Jerome could indeed exercise a certain moderation, even in matters of asceticism (246, 267). But his general attitude is that which disdained the common joys of life, which thought of eating, drinking, clothing or lodging, and most of all marriage, as physical indulgences which should suppressed as far as possible, rather than as the means of a noble social intercourse; and dread of impurity haunts him to such an extent as to entirely vitiate his view of society, and to cause him to disparage, and all but forbid, the married relation (29, 384, etc.). His view of monasticism in its inner principles is seen in his treatises against Helvidius, Jovinian, and Vigilantius. The reader may be specially referred to a passage in the last-named treatise, p. 423. If we ask the further question, how the tendency arose which so completely swayed him, we can only attribute it to the state of Roman society in the fourth and fifth centuries, which laid earnest men open to influences already working in other parts of the world. Jerome knew of the Brahmans and the Gymnosophists of India (97, 193, 397), and he several times mentions Buddha (380) as an example of asceticism. But students of Buddhism have failed to trace any direct filiation between the asceticism of the East and the West. [1] The existence of Essenes in Palestine and the Therapeutæ in Egypt, and the unquestionable fact that Christian asceticism originated in Egypt, make some connection with the East probable; and the system of Manes, though at once repudiated, may have exerted some subtle influence. Certain states of the human mind seem all-pervasive, like the causes of diseases which spring up at once in many different places; and principles like those of asceticism maybe communicated through chance conversations or commercial intercourse when the soil is prepared for their reception.

But it seems better to look to the social and political state of the world as the predisposing cause of monasticism. Even in the East it is thought that the miserable conditions of practical life have been the main cause of a religion of despair; and the decline and fall of the Roman Empire in the fourth and fifth centuries offered similar causes in abundance. The grace which is completely absent from the great Christian writers of that epoch is hope. Such hope as is found even in the Civitas Dei of Augustin is entirely that of the world to come. The world before them seemed hopelessly corrupt. The descriptions of private morals given by Jerome are borne out by Ammianus Marcellinus; the failure of public spirit and military valour was equally conspicuous; and Gratian and Stilicho appear on the scene only to be murdered. When the crash of Alaric's sack of Rome shook the existing world, no one realised that a new Christian world was coming, and the flight which Jerome witnessed of thousands of citizens from the sinking city to the mountains of Palestine was but one symptom of the despair which made them, to use Jerome's words, "quit the most frequented cities that in the fields and solitude they might mourn for sin and draw down on themselves the compassion of Christ" (446).

As an illustrator of Scripture, Jerome did much, and in some respects excellent work. The Book of Hebrew Names was no doubt of much use in the ages in which men were ignorant of Hebrew, although it has the clumsy arrangement of a separate glossary for each book of the Bible; it is very faulty and uncritical; there is no explanation, for instance, of Lehi in Judges, or of Engedi or Ichabod in 1 Samuel, or of Bethabara or Bethany in John, and the meanings given to words are extremely uncritical and sometimes absurd. Cherubim is said to mean a multitude of knowledge; Jezebel, "flowing with blood, a litter, a dung heap"; and Laodicæa, "the tribe beloved of the Lord, or, they have been in vomiting." It is worthless now except as showing the state of knowledge of the fourth century A.D., and that of the author of the Vulgate.

The Book of the Site and Names of Hebrew Places belongs rather to Eusebius than to Jerome, being translated from Eusebius, though with some additions. An account of it is given in the Prolegomena to Eusebius. The arrangement of this book is, like the former, very inconvenient, the names under each letter being placed in separate groups in the order of the books of Scripture in which they occur: for instance, under the letter A we have first the names in Genesis, then those in Exodus, and so on. But there is less room here for what is fanciful, and the testimony of men who lived in Palestine in the fourth and fifth centuries is of great value still to the student of sacred topography. When the places are outside the writer's knowledge, credulity is apt to creep in, as when the author tells us that in Ararat portions of the ark are still to be found.

The Book of Hebrew Questions on Genesis is simply a set of notes on passages where the reference to the Hebrew text gives a different reading from that of the LXX., which was received as authoritative up to Jerome's day. For instance, in Gen. xlvi. 26, the LXX. says that Joseph's descendants born in Egypt were nine, the Hebrew, two. Jerome accounts for the discrepancy by the supposition that the LXX. added in the sons of Ephraim and Manasseh, who were subsequently born in Egypt, and who in the LXX. are enumerated just before. Jerome states in the preface his intention to compose a similar set of notes to each book of the Old Testament, but he was never able to go beyond Genesis. What he gives us is of considerable interest and value, so that it is a matter of regret that he could not go further.

As a commentator, Jerome's fault is a lack of independence; his merit lies in giving fully the opinions of others which we might otherwise not have known. This he considers, as seen in his controversy with Rufinus, the principal task of a commentator (Apol. i. 16, Vol. iii. 491). In the passages there at issue, he states the most incongruous interpretations without criticising them, and Rufinus can hardly be blamed for suggesting that he is sometimes expressing his own opinion under that of "another." In matters of ordinary interpretation his judgment is good. But fanciful ideas are apt to intrude, as when, in the Commentary on Ecclesiastes, the city delivered by the poor wise man is made to mean the individual delivered from Satan by the better man within him, or the Church delivered from the hosts of darkness by Christ. When an occasion for the introduction of asceticism occurs, Jerome never hesitates at any process, however absurd, which will draw the passage to a sanction of his peculiar views (Against Jovin. i. 30, p. 368). We should have been glad, had space permitted, to have given a specimen of his better style of exposition, but it was found necessary to suppress this.

It is as a translator of Scripture that Jerome is best known. His Vulgate was made at the right moment and by the right man. The Latin language was still living, although Latin civilisation was dying; and Jerome was a master of it. It is only to be regretted that he did not give fuller scope to his literary power in his translation of Scripture. In his letter to Pammachius on the best method of translation (114), he advocates great freedom of treatment, even such as amounts to paraphrase, and even to the insertion of sentences congruous to the sense of the author. He takes the fact that the quotations in the New Testament from the Old often present discrepancies in words and sense as justifying similar discrepancies in a translation. He does not, however, appear in dealing with ordinary books to have used this license in any extreme way; and his translations, without departing from correctness, read as good literary composition. But from the operation of his rules of translation he expressly excepts the Scriptures. "In other books," he says (113), "my effort is not to express word by word, but meaning by meaning; but in the Holy Scriptures even the order of the words has a secret meaning" (et ordo verborum mysterium est). He even says (80): "A version made for the use of the Church, even though it may possess a literary charm, ought to disguise and avoid it as far as possible." This belief in a secret meaning in the words and their order as apart from the sense goes far to injure the Vulgate translation. His principles, indeed, are excellent, namely, (1) never to swerve needlessly from the original; (2) to avoid solecisms; (3) even by the admission of solecisms, to give the true sense. But it is evident that they must be vitiated by the supposition of a hidden sense in the arrangement of the words; and the result is a style which frequently deprives a passage of its proper elegance, and the pleasure which it should give to the reader, and a too frequent introduction of solecisms and abandonment of the attempt to make sense of a passage. It also gives an air of saintly unreality to many parts of the Scriptures and thus to produce confusion. The merits of the translation are also very various, as was the time which Jerome bestowed on the different parts. The Books of Solomon, for instance, he translated very rapidly (492), the Book of Tobit in a single day (494). For some parts he trusted to his own knowledge, for others he obtained aid at great cost of money and trouble (Preface to Job and to Tobit, 491, 494). But, while we thus go behind the scenes, we must not fail to look at the completed work as a whole. It was wrought out with noble perseverance and unflinching purpose amidst many discouragements. It was highly prized even in Jerome's lifetime, so that he is able to record that a large part of the Old Testament was translated into Greek from his version by his friend Sophronius, and was read in the Eastern Churches (492). After his death it won its way to become the Vulgate or common version of Western Christendom; it was the Bible of the Middle Ages; and in the year 1546 (eleven centuries after its author's death) was pronounced by the Council of Trent to be the only true version, and alone authorised to be printed.

A few personal details must be given to illustrate his method of composition and his surroundings. Nothing is known of his personal appearance. His health was weak, and he had several long illnesses, especially in the years 398, 404, and in the last year of his life. His eyes began to fail during his stay at Constantinople in 380-382, and he usually employed an amanuensis; but he still wrote at times, and what he wrote was more polished than what he dictated. "In the one case I constantly turn the stylus; in the other, whatever words come into my mouth I heap together in my rapid utterance" (Ep. lxxiv. 6). He composed with great rapidity, and dictated at times as much as one thousand lines in a day (Comm. on Ephes., Book ii. Preface). He often, especially when in weak health, lay on a couch (Ep. lxxiv. 6), taking down one volume after another to aid in the composition of his Commentaries. And he often sat late into the night [his book against Vigilantius was "the lucubration of a single night" (423)], the days being occupied in business of various kinds, as stated above--the monasteries, the entertainment of strangers, the teaching of boys, the exposition of Scripture to his brethren in the monastery, and, according to Sulpicius Severus, the charge of the parish of Bethlehem. As has been mentioned above, he was interrupted again and again by illness, and on several occasions was in alarm from the threatened invasions of the Huns and Isaurians, and at the end of his life from the violent adherents of Pelagius. He also suffered from poverty, and his friends one by one were taken from him. But he persevered against all obstacles; and his latest works, the Anti-Pelagian Dialogue and the Commentary on Jeremiah, show little if any diminution of power. __________________________________________________________________

[1] See a remarkable article on "The New Testament and Buddhism," by Professor Estlin Carpenter, in the Nineteenth Century for July, 1879. __________________________________________________________________

VI.--Character and Influence of Jerome.

This Introduction must be concluded with a few words on the character and influence of Jerome, which are taken from the article upon him in the Dictionary of Christian Biography. He was vain and unable to bear rivals, extremely sensitive as to the estimation in which he was held by his contemporaries, and especially by the Bishops; passionate and resentful, but at times becoming suddenly placable; scornful and violent in controversy; kind to the weak and the poor; respectful in his dealings with women; entirely without avarice; extraordinarily diligent in work, and nobly tenacious of the main objects to which he devoted his life. There was, however, something of monkish cowardice in his asceticism, and his influence was not felt by the strong.

His influence grew through his life and increased after his death. If we may use a scriptural phrase which has sometimes been applied to such influence, "He lived and reigned for a thousand years." His writings contain the whole spirit of the Church of the Middle Ages, its monasticism, its contrast of sacred things with profane, its credulity and superstition, its value for relics, its subjection to hierarchical authority, its dread of heresy, its passion for pilgrimages. To the society which was thus in a great measure formed by him, his Bible was the greatest boon which could have been given. But he founded no school and had no inspiring power; there was no courage or width of view in his spiritual legacy such as could break through the fatal circle of bondage to received authority which was closing round mankind. As Thierry says in the last words of his work on St. Jerome, "There is no continuation of his work; a few more letters of Augustin and Paulinus, and night falls over the West." __________________________________________________________________

Chronological Tables of the Life and Times of St. Jerome A.D. 345-420.

Personal.

Literary.

Contemporary History.

Contemporary History (Ecclesiastical).

345. Jerome born at Stridon (Pannonia or Dalmatia).

340. Death of Constantine.

341. Athanasius at Rome.

360. Jerome at school.

352. Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem.

363. To study at Rome. Baptism.

353. Constantius sole Emperor.

366. To Treves.

356. Eusebius of Vercellæ, and other orthodox Bishops banished by Constantius.

366-69. Jerome copies works of Hilary.

356. Death of Antony.

369. Jerome writes a mystical Commentary on Obadiah.

359. Councils of Ariminum and Seleucia.

370. To Aquileia.

370. First letter--On the woman seven times struck with the axe.

360. Julian Emperor.

373. Leaves Aquileia for the East.

361. Death of Constantius.

362. Eusebius of Vercellæ and other Bishops recalled from exile.

363. Death of Julian. Jovian Emperor.

364. Death of Jovian. Valentinian and Valens.

374. Illness at Antioch. Anti-Ciceronian dream.

374. Life of Paulus, the first hermit.

365. Apollinarius, Bishop of Laodicæa.

374-79. In Desert of Chalcis.

374-79. Jerome copies Gospel of the Hebrews and other books.

366. Invasion of the Alemanni repelled by Valentinian.

366. Damasus Pope.

379. Dialogue against the Luciferians.

367-69. Gothic war.

379-80. At Antioch.

367-70. Britain restored by the elder Theodosius.

370. Law of Valentinian against clerical legacies.

379. Ordination by Paulinus.

371. Death of Eusebius of Vercellæ and of Lucifer.

380. To Constantinople.

373. Death of Athanasius. Peter and Lucius, rival Bishops.

381. Translation of Eusebius' Chronicle.

374. Ambrose, Bishop of Milan.

381. Translation of Origen's Homilies on Jeremiah and Ezekiel.

374. Melania and Rufinus leave Rome for the East.

382-85. At Rome.

375. Death of Valentinian. Valens and Gratian Emperors.

383. Translation of Psalms from LXX. and of New Testament.

376. Theodosius, after restoring Africa, executed at Carthage.

383. Book against Helvidius (Perp. Virg. of B.M.V.)

377-80. Persian war.

385. Leaves Rome (August); to Antioch (December).

385-87. Translation of Origen on Canticles.

378. Battle of Adrianople. Valens killed. Gregory Nazianzen at Constantinople.

378. Gregory Nazianzen at Constantinople.

386. Through Palestine to Egypt, and settlement at Bethlehem.

386-90. Translation of LXX. into Latin.

379. Theodosius Emperor.

387. Revision of version of New Testament.

380. Baptism of Theodosius.

381. Council of Constantinople.

381. Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, succeeded by his brother Timothy.

388. Commentary on Ecclesiastes.

382. Council at Rome.

388. Commentary on Galatians, Ephesians, Titus, Philemon.

382. Altar of Victory in Roman Senate removed.

388. Book of Hebrew Names.

383. Death of Gratian. Maximus Emperor.

388. Questions on Genesis.

384. Treaty with Persia.

384. Death of Damasus (December).

388. Translation of Eusebius on Sites and Names of Hebrew Places.

385. Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria, succeeds Timothy.

385. Siricius Pope.

388. Translation of Didymus on the Holy Spirit.

386. John succeeds Cyril as Bishop of Jerusalem.

386. Execution of Priscillian for heresy at Treves.

389. Translation of Origen on St. Luke.

387. Sedition of Antioch.

390. Lives of Malchus and Hilarion, hermits.

388. Death of Maximus. Valentinian II. Emperor.

389. Temple of Serapis destroyed.

391. Vulgate version of Old Testament begun.

390. Massacre of Thessalonica. Penance of Theodosius.

390. Death of Gregory Nazianzen.

392. Aterbius at Jerusalem.

392. Book of Illustrious Men.

391. Death of Valentinian II. Eugenius usurper.

392. Laws of Theodosius against Paganism.

392. Epiphanius visits Jerusalem. Schism between Jerome and John of Jerusalem, till 397.

392. Commentary on Nahum, Micah, Zephaniah, Haggai, Habakkuk.

394. Defeat of Eugenius. Theodosius sole Emperor.

393. Books against Jovinian.

394. Death of Theodosius. Arcadius (æt. 18) Emperor of the East; Honorius (æt. 14) of the West. Stilicho Minister and General in the West. Death of Rufinus the Prefect at Constantinople.

395. Augustin, Bishop of Hippo.

394. Beginning of controversy with Augustin.

395. Jerome denounced to the Emperor.

395. The Huns invade Northern Syria.

396. Alaric invades Greece.

395. Oceanus and Fabiola at Bethlehem.

397. Alaric conquered by Stilicho in Arcadia.

397. Death of Ambrose. Simplicianus, Bishop of Milan.

397. Theophilus of Alexandria turns against Origenism. Rufinus reconciled to Jerome and returns to Italy.

397. Commentary on Jonah.

398. Death of Gildo in Africa. Alaric Master-General of Illyricum and King of the Visigoths.

398. Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople.

398. Pope Siricius dies. Anastasius Pope.

397. Book against John, Bishop of Jerusalem.

399. Fall of Eutropius.

398. Jerome suffers from a long illness.

398. Commentary on St. Matthew.

400. Gainas, conspirator, defeated and slain.

400. Origenism condemned by Bishops of Alexandria, Rome, and Milan, and by the Emperors.

401-4. Controversy between Jerome and Rufinus.

400. (August 15). Simplicianus dies. Venerius, Bishop of Millan.

402. Against Rufinus, Books i. and ii.

402. Pope Anastasius dies. Innocentius Pope.

403. Commentary on Obadiah.

402. Death of Epiphanius.

403. Stilicho defeats Alaric at Pollentia and Verona.

404. Triumph of Honorius. Last gladiatorial shows.

404. Exile of Chrysostom to Cucusus.

404. Death of Paula.

404. Translation of the acetic rule of Pachomius.

404. Emperor's court at Ravenna.

404. Gladiatorial shows at Rome ended by the sacrifice of Telemachus, the monk.

404. Close of controversy with Augustin.

404. Against Rufinus, Book iii.

404. Death of the Empress Eudoxia.

404-5. Jerome ill for several months.

405. Northern Palestine invaded by Isaurians.

406. Stilicho defeats Radagaisus at Fæsulæ, and negotiates with Alaric.

406. Commentary on Zachariah, Malachi, Hosea, Joel, Amos--concluding Minor Prophets.

407. Gaul overrun by barbarians.

407. Death of Chrysostom at Comana.

407. Constantine usurps power in Britain and Gaul.

406. Book against Vigilantius.

408. Rome besieged by Alaric, and ransomed.

408. Disgrace and death of Stilicho.

407. Commentary on Daniel.

408. Death of Arcadius. Theodosius II. Emperor. Pulcheria Regent.

410. Death of Rufinus.

410. Commentary on Isaiah.

409. Revolt of Britain.

409. Pelagius at Rome.

412. Coelestius condemned at Carthage.

410. Sack of Rome by Alaric. Death of Alaric.

413. Pelagius in Palestine.

410. Egypt, Phoenicia, etc. threatened by barbarians (Ep. cxxvi.).

414. Orosius sent by Augustin to Jerome.

414. Commentary on Ezekiel.

411. Death of Constantine and other usurpers. Victories of Roman General Constantius.

411. Dispute between Catholic and Donatist Bishops at Carthage. Persecution of Donatists by the Civil Power.

414. Pinianus and Melania at Jerusalem.

412. Death of Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria.

415. Synod at Jerusalem admits Pelagius.

413. Expedition and death of Heraclian, Count of Africa.

417. Monasteries of Bethlehem burnt by adherents of Pelagius.

414. Adolphus, successor of Alaric, marries Galla Placidia.

415. Goths established in Aquitaine and Spain.

415. Schism at Antioch healed. Alexander sole Bishop.

416. Dialogue against the Pelagians.

415. Council of Diospolis (Lydda) accepts Pelagius.

418. Death of Eustochium.

418-19. Commentary on Jeremiah.

417. Pope Innocentius dies. Zosimus Pope.

420. Jerome dies (September 20) at Bethlehem.

417. Death of John, Bishop of Jerusalem. Succeeded by Praylus. __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________

The Letters of St. Jerome.

------------------------

Letter I. To Innocent.

Not only the first of the letters but probably the earliest extant composition of Jerome (c. 370 a.d.). Innocent, to whom it is addressed, was one of the little band of enthusiasts whom Jerome gathered round him in Aquileia. He followed his friend to Syria, where he died in 374 a.d. (See Letter III., 3.)

1. You have frequently asked me, dearest Innocent, not to pass over in silence the marvellous event which has happened in our own day. I have declined the task from modesty and, as I now feel, with justice, believing myself to be incapable of it, at once because human language is inadequate to the divine praise, and because inactivity, acting like rust upon the intellect, has dried up any little power of expression that I have ever had. You in reply urge that in the things of God we must look not at the work which we are able to accomplish, but at the spirit in which it is undertaken, and that he can never be at a loss for words who has believed on the Word.

2. What, then, must I do? The task is beyond me, and yet I dare not decline it. I am a mere unskilled passenger, and I find myself placed in charge of a freighted ship. I have not so much as handled a rowboat on a lake, and now I have to trust myself to the noise and turmoil of the Euxine. I see the shores sinking beneath the horizon, "sky and sea on every side"; [2] darkness lowers over the water, the clouds are black as night, the waves only are white with foam. You urge me to hoist the swelling sails, to loosen the sheets, and to take the helm. At last I obey your commands, and as charity can do all things, I will trust in the Holy Ghost to guide my course, and I shall console myself, whatever the event. For, if our ship is wafted by the surf into the wished-for haven, I shall be content to be told that the pilotage was poor. But, if through my unpolished diction we run aground amid the rough cross-currents of language, you may blame my lack of power, but you will at least recognize my good intentions.

3. To begin, then: Vercellæ is a Ligurian town, situated not far from the base of the Alps, once important, but now sparsely peopled and fallen into decay. When the consular [3] was holding his visitation there, a poor woman and her paramour were brought before him--the charge of adultery had been fastened upon them by the husband--and were both consigned to the penal horrors of a prison. Shortly after an attempt was made to elicit the truth by torture, and when the blood-stained hook smote the young man's livid flesh and tore furrows in his side, the unhappy wretch sought to avoid prolonged pain by a speedy death. Falsely accusing his own passions, he involved another in the charge; and it appeared that he was of all men the most miserable, and that his execution was just inasmuch as he had left to an innocent woman no means of self-defence. But the woman, stronger in virtue if weaker in sex, though her frame was stretched upon the rack, and though her hands, stained with the filth of the prison, were tied behind her, looked up to heaven with her eyes, which alone the torturer had been unable to bind, and while the tears rolled down her face, said: "Thou art witness, Lord Jesus, to whom nothing is hid, who triest the reins and the heart. [4] Thou art witness that it is not to save my life that I deny this charge. I refuse to lie because to lie is sin. And as for you, unhappy man, if you are bent on hastening your death, why must you destroy not one innocent person, but two? I also, myself, desire to die. I desire to put off this hated body, but not as an adulteress. I offer my neck; I welcome the shining sword without fear; yet I will take my innocence with me. He does not die who is slain while purposing so to live."

4. The consular, who had been feasting his eyes upon the bloody spectacle, now, like a wild beast, which after once tasting blood always thirsts for it, ordered the torture to be doubled, and cruelly gnashing his teeth, threatened the executioner with like punishment if he failed to extort from the weaker sex a confession which a man's strength had not been able to keep back.

5. Send help, Lord Jesus. For this one creature of Thine every species of torture is devised. She is bound by the hair to a stake, her whole body is fixed more firmly than ever on the rack; fire is brought and applied to her feet; her sides quiver beneath the executioner's probe; even her breasts do not escape. Still the woman remains unshaken; and, triumphing in spirit over the pain of the body, enjoys the happiness of a good conscience, round which the tortures rage in vain. [5] The cruel judge rises, overcome with passion. She still prays to God. Her limbs are wrenched from their sockets; she only turns her eyes to heaven. Another confesses what is thought their common guilt. She, for the confessor's sake, denies the confession, and, in peril of her own life, clears one who is in peril of his.

6. Meantime she has but one thing to say: "Beat me, burn me, tear me, if you will; I have not done it. If you will not believe my words, a day will come when this charge shall be carefully sifted. I have One who will judge me." Wearied out at last, the torturer sighed in response to her groans; nor could he find a spot on which to inflict a fresh wound. His cruelty overcome, he shuddered to see the body he had torn. Immediately the consular cried, in a fit of passion, "Why does it surprise you, bystanders, that a woman prefers torture to death? It takes two people, most assuredly, to commit adultery; and I think it more credible that a guilty woman should deny a sin than that an innocent young man should confess one."

7. Like sentence, accordingly, was passed on both, and the condemned pair were dragged to execution. The entire people poured out to see the sight; indeed, so closely were the gates thronged by the out-rushing crowd, that you might have fancied the city itself to be migrating. At the very first stroke of the sword the head of the hapless youth was cut off, and the headless trunk rolled over in its blood. Then came the woman's turn. She knelt down upon the ground, and the shining sword was lifted over her quivering neck. But though the headsman summoned all his strength into his bared arm, the moment it touched her flesh the fatal blade stopped short, and, lightly glancing over the skin, merely grazed it sufficiently to draw blood. The striker saw, with terror, his hand unnerved, and, amazed at his defeated skill and at his drooping sword, he whirled it aloft for another stroke. Again the blade fell forceless on the woman, sinking harmlessly on her neck, as though the steel feared to touch her. The enraged and panting officer, who had thrown open his cloak at the neck to give his full strength to the blow, shook to the ground the brooch which clasped the edges of his mantle, and not noticing this, began to poise his sword for a fresh stroke. "See," cried the woman, "a jewel has fallen from your shoulder. Pick up what you have earned by hard toil, that you may not lose it."

8. What, I ask, is the secret of such confidence as this? Death draws near, but it has no terrors for her. When smitten she exults, and the executioner turns pale. Her eyes see the brooch, they fail to see the sword. And, as if intrepidity in the presence of death were not enough, she confers a favor upon her cruel foe. And now the mysterious Power of the Trinity rendered even a third blow vain. The terrified soldier, no longer trusting the blade, proceeded to apply the point to her throat, in the idea that though it might not cut, the pressure of his hand might plunge it into her flesh. Marvel unheard of through all the ages! The sword bent back to the hilt, and in its defeat looked to its master, as if confessing its inability to slay.

9. Let me call to my aid the example of the three children, [6] who, amid the cool, encircling fire, sang hymns, [7] instead of weeping, and around whose turbans and holy hair the flames played harmlessly. Let me recall, too, the story of the blessed Daniel, [8] in whose presence, though he was their natural prey, the lions crouched, with fawning tails and frightened mouths. Let Susannah also rise in the nobility of her faith before the thoughts of all; who, after she had been condemned by an unjust sentence, was saved through a youth inspired by the Holy Ghost. [9] In both cases the Lord's mercy was alike shewn; for while Susannah was set free by the judge, so as not to die by the sword, this woman, though condemned by the judge, was acquitted by the sword.

10. Now at length the populace rise in arms to defend the woman. Men and women of every age join in driving away the executioner, shouting round him in a surging crowd. Hardly a man dares trust his own eyes. The disquieting news reaches the city close at hand, and the entire force of constables is mustered. The officer who is responsible for the execution of criminals bursts from among his men, and

Staining his hoary hair with soiling dust, [10]

exclaims: "What! citizens, do you mean to seek my life? Do you intend to make me a substitute for her? However much your minds are set on mercy, and however much you wish to save a condemned woman, yet assuredly I--I who am innocent--ought not to perish." His tearful appeal tells upon the crowd, they are all benumbed by the influence of sorrow, and an extraordinary change of feeling is manifested. Before it had seemed a duty to plead for the woman's life, now it seemed a duty to allow her to be executed.

11. Accordingly a new sword is fetched, a new headsman appointed. The victim takes her place, once more strengthened only with the favor of Christ. The first blow makes her quiver, beneath the second she sways to and fro, by the third she falls wounded to the ground. Oh, majesty of the divine power highly to be extolled! She who previously had received four strokes without injury, now, a few moments later, seems to die that an innocent man may not perish in her stead.

12. Those of the clergy whose duty it is to wrap the blood-stained corpse in a winding-sheet, dig out the earth and, heaping together stones, form the customary tomb. The sunset comes on quickly, and by God's mercy the night of nature arrives more swiftly than is its wont. Suddenly the woman's bosom heaves, her eyes seek the light, her body is quickened into new life. A moment after she sighs, she looks round, she gets up and speaks. At last she is able to cry: "The Lord is on my side; I will not fear. What can man do unto me?" [11]

13. Meantime an aged woman, supported out of the funds of the church, gave back her spirit to heaven from which it came. [12] It seemed as if the course of events had been thus purposely ordered, for her body took the place of the other beneath the mound. In the gray dawn the devil comes on the scene in the form of a constable, [13] asks for the corpse of her who had been slain, and desires to have her grave pointed out to him. Surprised that she could have died, he fancies her to be still alive. The clergy show him the fresh turf, and meet his demands by pointing to the earth lately heaped up, taunting him with such words as these: "Yes, of course, tear up the bones which have been buried! Declare war anew against the tomb, and if even that does not satisfy you, pluck her limb from limb for birds and beasts to mangle! Mere dying is too good for one whom it took seven strokes to kill."

14. Before such opprobrious words the executioner retires in confusion, while the woman is secretly revived at home. Then, lest the frequency of the doctor's visits to the church might give occasion for suspicion, they cut her hair short and send her in the company of some virgins to a sequestered country house. There she changes her dress for that of a man, and scars form over her wounds. Yet even after the great miracles worked on her behalf, the laws still rage against her. So true is it that, where there is most law, there, there is also most injustice. [14]

15. But now see whither the progress of my story has brought me; we come upon the name of our friend Evagrius. [15] So great have his exertions been in the cause of Christ that, were I to suppose it possible adequately to describe them, I should only show my own folly; and were I minded deliberately to pass them by, I still could not prevent my voice from breaking out into cries of joy. Who can fittingly praise the vigilance which enabled him to bury, if I may so say, before his death Auxentius [16] of Milan, that curse brooding over the church? Or who can sufficiently extol the discretion with which he rescued the Roman bishop [17] from the toils of the net in which he was fairly entangled, and showed him the means at once of overcoming his opponents and of sparing them in their discomfiture? But

Such topics I must leave to other bards,

Shut out by envious straits of time and space. [18]

I am satisfied now to record the conclusion of my tale. Evagrius seeks a special audience of the Emperor; [19] importunes him with his entreaties, wins his favor by his services, and finally gains his cause through his earnestness. The Emperor restored to liberty the woman whom God had restored to life. __________________________________________________________________

[2] Virg. A. iii. 193.

[3] I.e. the governor of the province.

[4] Ps. vii. 9.

[5] Text corrupt.

[6] Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego.

[7] Song of the Three Holy Children.

[8] Dan. vi.

[9] Susannah 45; the youth spoken of is Daniel.

[10] Virg. A. xii. 611.

[11] Ps. cxviii. 6.

[12] Cf. Eccles. xii. 7.

[13] Lictor.

[14] An allusion to the well-known proverb, summum jus, summa injuria.

[15] A presbyter of Antioch and bishop, 388 a.d. He is mentioned again in Letters III., IV., V., XV. See Jerome De Vir. iii. 125.

[16] The predecessor of Ambrose and an Arian. He was still living when Jerome wrote, but died 374.

[17] Damasus, who having successfully made good his claim to the papacy, in 369 condemned Auxentius in a council held at Rome.

[18] Virg. G. iv. 147, 148.

[19] Valentinian I. __________________________________________________________________

Letter II. To Theodosius and the Rest of the Anchorites.

Written from Antioch, 374 a.d., while Jerome was still in doubt as to his future course. Theodosius appears to have been the head of the solitaries in the Syrian Desert.

How I long to be a member of your company, and with uplifting of all my powers to embrace your admirable community! Though, indeed, these poor eyes are not worthy to look upon it. Oh! that I could behold the desert, lovelier to me than any city! Oh! that I could see those lonely spots made into a paradise by the saints that throng them! But since my sins prevent me from thrusting into your blessed company a head laden with every transgression, I adjure you (and I know that you can do it) by your prayers to deliver me from the darkness of this world. I spoke of this when I was with you, and now in writing to you I repeat anew the same request; for all the energy of my mind is devoted to this one object. It rests with you to give effect to my resolve. I have the will but not the power; this last can only come in answer to your prayers. For my part, I am like a sick sheep astray from the flock. Unless the good Shepherd shall place me on his shoulders and carry me back to the fold, [20] my steps will totter, and in the very effort of rising I shall find my feet give way. I am the prodigal son [21] who although I have squandered all the portion entrusted to me by my father, have not yet bowed the knee in submission to him; not yet have I commenced to put away from me the allurements of my former excesses. And because it is only a little while since I have begun not so much to abandon my vices as to desire to abandon them, the devil now ensnares me in new toils, he puts new stumbling-blocks in my path, he encompasses me on every side.

The seas around, and all around the main. [22]

I find myself in mid-ocean, unwilling to retreat and unable to advance. It only remains that your prayers should win for me the gale of the Holy Spirit to waft me to the haven upon the desired shore. __________________________________________________________________

[20] Luke xv. 3-5.

[21] Luke xv. 11-32.

[22] Virg. A. v. 9. __________________________________________________________________

Letter III. To Rufinus the Monk. [23]

Written from Antioch, 374 a.d., to Rufinus in Egypt. Jerome narrates his travels and the events which have taken place since his arrival in Syria, particularly the deaths of Innocent and Hylas (§3). He also describes the life of Bonosus, who was now a hermit on an island in the Adriatic (§4). The main object of the letter is to induce Rufinus to come to Syria.

1. That God gives more than we ask Him for, [24] and that He often grants us things which "eye hath not seen nor ear heard, neither have they entered into the heart of man," [25] I knew indeed before from the mystic declaration of the sacred volumes; but now, dearest Rufinus, I have had proof of it in my own case. For I who fancied it too bold a wish to be allowed by an exchange of letters to counterfeit to myself your presence in the flesh, hear that you are penetrating the remotest parts of Egypt, visiting the monks and going round God's family upon earth. Oh, if only the Lord Jesus Christ would suddenly transport me to you as Philip was transported to the eunuch, [26] and Habakkuk to Daniel, [27] with what a close embrace would I clasp your neck, how fondly would I press kisses upon that mouth which has so often joined with me of old in error or in wisdom. But as I am unworthy (not that you should so come to me but) that I should so come to you, and because my poor body, weak even when well, has been shattered by frequent illnesses; I send this letter to meet you instead of coming myself, in the hope that it may bring you hither to me caught in the meshes of love's net.

2. My first joy at such unexpected good tidings was due to our brother, Heliodorus. I desired to be sure of it, but did not dare to feel sure, especially as he told me that he had only heard it from some one else, and as the strangeness of the news impaired the credit of the story. Once more my wishes hovered in uncertainty and my mind wavered, till an Alexandrian monk who had some time previously been sent over by the dutiful zeal of the people to the Egyptian confessors (in will already martyrs [28] ), impelled me by his presence to believe the tidings. Even then, I must admit I still hesitated. For on the one hand he knew nothing either of your name or country: yet on the other what he said seemed likely to be true, agreeing as it did with the hint which had already reached me. At last the truth broke upon me in all its fulness, for a constant stream of persons passing through brought the report: "Rufinus is at Nitria, and has reached the abode of the blessed Macarius." [29] At this point I cast away all that restrained my belief, and then first really grieved to find myself ill. Had it not been that my wasted and enfeebled frame fettered my movements, neither the summer heat nor the dangerous voyage should have had power to retard the rapid steps of affection. Believe me, brother, I look forward to seeing you more than the storm-tossed mariner looks for his haven, more than the thirsty fields long for the showers, more than the anxious mother sitting on the curving shore expects her son.

3. After that sudden whirlwind [30] dragged me from your side, severing with its impious wrench the bonds of affection in which we were knit together,

The dark blue raincloud lowered o'er my head:

On all sides were the seas, on all the sky. [31]

I wandered about, uncertain where to go. Thrace, Pontus, Bithynia, the whole of Galatia and Cappadocia, Cilicia also with its burning heat, one after another shattered my energies. At last Syria presented itself to me as a most secure harbor to a shipwrecked man. Here, after undergoing every possible kind of sickness, I lost one of my two eyes; for Innocent, [32] the half of my soul, [33] was taken away from me by a sudden attack of fever. The one eye which I now enjoy, and which is all in all to me, is our Evagrius, [34] upon whom I with my constant infirmities have come as an additional burden. We had with us also Hylas, [35] the servant of the holy Melanium, [36] who by his stainless conduct had wiped out the taint of his previous servitude. His death opened afresh the wound which had not yet healed. But as the apostle's words forbid us to mourn for those who sleep, [37] and as my excess of grief has been tempered by the joyful news that has since come to me, I recount this last, that, if you have not heard it, you may learn it; and that, if you know it already, you may rejoice over it with me.

4. Bonosus, [38] your friend, or, to speak more truly, mine as well as yours, is now climbing the ladder foreshown in Jacob's dream. [39] He is bearing his cross, neither taking thought for the morrow [40] nor looking back at what he has left. [41] He is sowing in tears that he may reap in joy. [42] As Moses in a type so he in reality is lifting up the serpent in the wilderness. [43] This is a true story, and it may well put to shame the lying marvels described by Greek and Roman pens. For here you have a youth educated with us in the refining accomplishments of the world, with abundance of wealth, and in rank inferior to none of his associates; yet he forsakes his mother, his sisters, and his dearly loved brother, and settles like a new tiller of Eden on a dangerous island, with the sea roaring round its reefs; while its rough crags, bare rocks, and desolate aspect make it more terrible still. No peasant or monk is to be found there. Even the little Onesimus [44] you know of, in whose kisses he used to rejoice as in those of a brother, in this tremendous solitude no longer remains at his side. Alone upon the island--or rather not alone, for Christ is with him--he sees the glory of God, which even the apostles saw not save in the desert. He beholds, it is true, no embattled towns, but he has enrolled his name in the new city. [45] Garments of sackcloth disfigure his limbs, yet so clad he will be the sooner caught up to meet Christ in the clouds. [46] No watercourse pleasant to the view supplies his wants, but from the Lord's side he drinks the water of life. [47] Place all this before your eyes, dear friend, and with all the faculties of your mind picture to yourself the scene. When you realize the effort of the fighter then you will be able to praise his victory. Round the entire island roars the frenzied sea, while the beetling crags along its winding shores resound as the billows beat against them. No grass makes the ground green; there are no shady copses and no fertile fields. Precipitous cliffs surround his dreadful abode as if it were a prison. But he, careless, fearless, and armed from head to foot with the apostle's armor, [48] now listens to God by reading the Scriptures, now speaks to God as he prays to the Lord; and it may be that, while he lingers in the island, he sees some vision such as that once seen by John. [49]

5. What snares, think you, is the devil now weaving? What stratagems is he preparing? Perchance, mindful of his old trick, [50] he will try to tempt Bonosus with hunger. But he has been answered already: "Man shall not live by bread alone." [51] Perchance he will lay before him wealth and fame. But it shall be said to him: "They that desire to be rich fall into a trap [52] and temptations," [53] and "For me all glorying is in Christ." [54] He will come, it may be, when the limbs are weary with fasting, and rack them with the pangs of disease; but the cry of the apostle will repel him: "When I am weak, then am I strong," and "My strength is made perfect in weakness." [55] He will hold out threats of death; but the reply will be: "I desire to depart and to be with Christ." [56] He will brandish his fiery darts, but they will be received on the shield of faith. [57] In a word, Satan will assail him, but Christ will defend. Thanks be to Thee, Lord Jesus, that in Thy day I have one able to pray to Thee for me. To Thee all hearts are open, Thou searchest the secrets of the heart, [58] Thou seest the prophet shut up in the fish's belly in the midst of the sea. [59] Thou knowest then how he and I grew up together from tender infancy to vigorous manhood, how we were fostered in the bosoms of the same nurses, and carried in the arms of the same bearers; and how after studying together at Rome we lodged in the same house and shared the same food by the half savage banks of the Rhine. Thou knowest, too, that it was I who first began to seek to serve Thee. Remember, I beseech Thee, that this warrior of Thine was once a raw recruit with me. I have before me the declaration of Thy majesty: "Whosoever shall teach and not do shall be called least in the kingdom of heaven." [60] May he enjoy the crown of virtue, and in return for his daily martyrdoms may he follow the Lamb robed in white raiment! [61] For "in my Father's house are many mansions," [62] and "one star differeth from another star in glory." [63] Give me strength to raise my head to a level with the saints' heels! [64] I willed, but he performed. Do Thou therefore pardon me that I failed to keep my resolve, and reward him with the guerdon of his deserts.

I may perhaps have been tedious, and have said more than the short compass of a letter usually allows; but this, I find, is always the case with me when I have to say anything in praise of our dear Bonosus.

6. However, to return to the point from which I set out, I beseech you do not let me pass wholly out of sight and out of mind. A friend is long sought, hardly found, and with difficulty kept. Let those who will, allow gold to dazzle them and be borne along in splendor, their very baggage glittering with gold and silver. Love is not to be purchased, and affection has no price. The friendship which can cease has never been real. Farewell in Christ. __________________________________________________________________

[23] In Jerome's day this term included all--whether hermits or coenobites--who forsook the world and embraced an ascetic life.

[24] Cf. Eph. iii. 20.

[25] 1 Cor. ii. 9.

[26] Acts viii. 26-30.

[27] Bel 33-36.

[28] Priests, monks, and others who, because they would not declare themselves Arians, were banished by order of Valens to Heliopolis in Phenicia.

[29] There were two hermits of this name in Egypt, and it is not certain which is meant. One of them was a disciple of Antony.

[30] The ascetic community at Aquileia, of which Jerome and Rufinus were the leaders, had been broken up, perhaps through the efforts of Lupicinus, the bishop of Stridon.

[31] Virg. A. iii. 193, 194: v. 9.

[32] See Letter I.

[33] Hor. C. i. 3, 8.

[34] See Letter I. § 15.

[35] A freedman of Melanium.

[36] A young Roman widow who had given up the world that she might adopt the ascetic life. She accompanied Rufinus to the East and settled with him on the Mount of Olives. She is mentioned again in Letters IV., XXXIX., XLV., and others.

[37] 1 Thess. iv. 13.

[38] Jerome's foster-brother who had accompanied him on his first visit to Rome. He was now living as a hermit on a small island in the neighborhood of Aquileia. See Letter VII. § 3.

[39] Gen. xxviii. 12.

[40] Matt. vi. 34.

[41] Luke ix. 62.

[42] Ps. cxxvi. 5.

[43] Nu. xxi. 9.

[44] Of this child nothing is known.

[45] I.e. the new Jerusalem. Rev. xxi. 2; Is. iv. 3.

[46] 1 Thess. iv. 17.

[47] Joh. iv. 14; xix. 34.

[48] Eph. vi. 13-17.

[49] Rev. i. 9, 10.

[50] Gen. iii. 1-6; Matt. iv. 1-4.

[51] Matt. iv. 4.

[52] Literally "mousetrap." This variant is peculiar to Cyprian and Jerome.

[53] 1 Tim. vi. 9.

[54] 1 Cor. i. 31.

[55] 2 Cor. xii. 10, 9.

[56] Philip. i. 23.

[57] Eph. vi. 16.

[58] Acts i. 24; Rev. ii. 23.

[59] Jon. ii. 1, 2.

[60] Matt. v. 19.

[61] Rev. xiv. 4.

[62] John xiv. 2.

[63] 1 Cor. xv. 41.

[64] Quoted from Tert. de C. F. ii. 7. __________________________________________________________________

Letter IV. To Florentius.

Sent to Florentius along with the preceding letter, which Jerome requests him to deliver to Rufinus. This Florentius was a rich Italian who had retired to Jerusalem to pursue the monastic life. Jerome subsequently speaks of him as "a distinguished monk so pitiful to the needy that he was generally known as the father of the poor." (Chron. ad a.d. 381.)

1. How much your name and sanctity are on the lips of the most different peoples you may gather from the fact that I commence to love you before I know you. For as, according to the apostle, "Some men's sins are evident going before unto judgment," [65] so contrariwise the report of your charity is so widespread that it is considered not so much praiseworthy to love you as criminal to refuse to do so. I pass over the countless instances in which you have supported Christ, [66] fed, clothed, and visited Him. The aid you rendered to our brother Heliodorus [67] in his need may well loose the utterance of the dumb. With what gratitude, with what commendation, does he speak of the kindness with which you smoothed a pilgrim's path. I am, it is true, the most sluggish of men, consumed by an unendurable sickness; yet keen affection and desire have winged my feet, and I have come forward to salute and embrace you. I wish you every good thing, and pray that the Lord may establish our nascent friendship.

2. Our brother, Rufinus, is said to have come from Egypt to Jerusalem with the devout lady, Melanium. He is inseparably bound to me in brotherly love; and I beg you to oblige me by delivering to him the annexed letter. You must not, however, judge of me by the virtues that you find in him. For in him you will see the clearest tokens of holiness, whilst I am but dust and vile dirt, and even now, while still living, nothing but ashes. It is enough for me if my weak eyes can bear the brightness of his excellence. He has but now washed himself [68] and is clean, yea, is made white as snow; [69] whilst I, stained with every sin, wait day and night with trembling to pay the uttermost farthing. [70] But since "the Lord looseth the prisoners," [71] and resteth upon him who is of a contrite spirit, and that trembleth at His words, [72] perchance he may say even to me who lie in the grave of sin: "Jerome, come forth." [73]

The reverend presbyter, Evagrius, warmly salutes you. We both with united respect salute the brother, Martinianus. [74] I desire much to see him, but I am impeded by the chain of sickness. Farewell in Christ. __________________________________________________________________

[65] 1 Tim. v. 24, R.V.

[66] Matt. xxv. 34-40.

[67] See introduction to Letter XIV.

[68] Rufinus had been baptized at Aquileia about three years previously (371 a.d.).

[69] Cf. Ps. li. 7.

[70] Matt. v. 26.

[71] Ps. cxlvi. 7.

[72] Isa. lxvi. 2.

[73] Joh. xi. 43.

[74] Acc. to Vallarsi a hermit, who at this time lived near Cæsarea. __________________________________________________________________

Letter V. To Florentius.

Written a few months after the preceding (about the end of 374 a.d.) from the Syrian Desert. After dilating on his friendship for Florentius, and making a passing allusion to Rufinus, Jerome mentions certain books, copies of which he desires to be sent to him. He also speaks of a runaway slave about whom Florentius had written to him.

1. Your letter, dear friend, finds me dwelling in that quarter of the desert which is nearest to Syria and the Saracens. And the reading of it rekindles in my mind so keen a desire to set out for Jerusalem that I am almost ready to violate my monastic vow in order to gratify my affection. Wishing to do the best I can, as I cannot come in person I send you a letter instead; and thus, though absent in the body, I come to you in love and in spirit. [75] For my earnest prayer is that our infant friendship, firmly cemented as it is in Christ, may never be rent asunder by time or distance. We ought rather to strengthen the bond by an interchange of letters. Let these pass between us, meet each other on the way, and converse with us. Affection will not lose much if it keeps up an intercourse of this kind.

2. You write that our brother, Rufinus, has not yet come to you. Even if he does come it will do little to satisfy my longing, for I shall not now be able to see him. He is too far away to come hither, and the conditions of the lonely life that I have adopted forbid me to go to him. For I am no longer free to follow my own wishes. I entreat you, therefore, to ask him to allow you to have the commentaries of the reverend Rhetitius, [76] bishop of Augustodunum, [77] copied, in which he has so eloquently explained the Song of Songs. A countryman of the aforesaid brother Rufinus, the old man Paul, [78] writes that Rufinus has his copy of Tertullian, and urgently requests that this may be returned. Next I have to ask you to get written on paper by a copyist certain books which the subjoined list [79] will show you that I do not possess. I beg also that you will send me the explanation of the Psalms of David, and the copious work on Synods of the reverend Hilary, [80] which I copied for him [81] at Trêves with my own hand. Such books, you know, must be the food of the Christian soul if it is to meditate in the law of the Lord day and night. [82]

Others you welcome beneath your roof, you cherish and comfort, you help out of your own purse; but so far as I am concerned, you have given me everything when once you have granted my request. And since, through the Lord's bounty, I am rich in volumes of the sacred library, [83] you may command me in turn. I will send you what you please; and do not suppose that an order from you will give me trouble. I have pupils devoted to the art of copying. Nor do I merely promise a favor because I am asking one. Our brother, Heliodorus, [84] tells me that there are many parts of the Scriptures which you seek and cannot find. But even if you have them all, affection is sure to assert its rights and to seek for itself more than it already has.

3. As regards the present master of your slave--of whom you have done me the honor to write--I have no doubt but that he is his kidnapper. While I was still at Antioch the presbyter, Evagrius, often reproved him in my presence. To whom he made this answer: "I have nothing to fear." He declares that his master has dismissed him. If you both want him, he is here; send him whither you will. I think I am not wrong in refusing to allow a runaway to stray farther. Here in the wilderness I cannot myself execute your orders; and therefore I have asked my dear friend Evagrius to push the affair vigorously, both for your sake and for mine. I desire your welfare in Christ. __________________________________________________________________

[75] Cf. Col. ii. 5.

[76] A man of some note, as he was one of the commissioners appointed by Constantine in 313 a.d. to settle the points of issue between the Catholics and the Donatists. Jerome criticises his commentary on the Song of Songs in Letter XXXVII.

[77] Autun.

[78] See the introd. to Letter X.

[79] This list has perished.

[80] I.e. Hilary of Poitiers.

[81] Rufinus.

[82] Ps. i. 2.

[83] I.e. the Scriptures.

[84] See the introd. to Letter XIV. __________________________________________________________________

Letter VI. To Julian, a Deacon of Antioch.

This letter, written in 374 a.d., is chiefly interesting for its mention of Jerome's sister. It would seem that she had fallen into sin and had been restored to a life of virtue by the deacon, Julian. Jerome speaks of her again in the next letter (§4).

It is an old saying, "Liars are disbelieved even when they speak the truth." [85] And from the way in which you reproach me for not having written, I perceive that this has been my lot with you. Shall I say, "I wrote often, but the bearers of my letters were negligent"? You will reply, "Your excuse is the old one of all who fail to write." Shall I say, "I could not find any one to take my letters"? You will say that numbers of persons have gone from my part of the world to yours. Shall I contend that I have actually given them letters? They not having delivered them, will deny that they have received them. Moreover, so great a distance separates us that it will be hard to come at the truth. What shall I do then? Though really not to blame, I ask your forgiveness, for I think it better to fall back and make overtures for peace than to keep my ground and offer battle. The truth is that constant sickness of body and vexation of mind have so weakened me that with death so close at hand I have not been as collected as usual. And lest you should account this plea a false one, now that I have stated my case, I shall, like a pleader, call witnesses to prove it. Our reverend brother, Heliodorus, has been here; but in spite of his wish to dwell in the desert with me, he has been frightened away by my crimes. But my present wordiness will atone for my past remissness; for, as Horace says in his satire: [86]

All singers have one fault among their friends:

They never sing when asked, unasked they never cease.

Henceforth I shall overwhelm you with such bundles of letters that you will take the opposite line and beg me not to write.

I rejoice that my sister [87] --to you a daughter in Christ--remains steadfast in her purpose, a piece of news which I owe in the first instance to you. For here where I now am I am ignorant not only as to what goes on in my native land, but even as to its continued existence. Even though the Iberian viper [88] shall rend me with his baneful fangs, I will not fear men's judgment, seeing that I shall have God to judge me. As one puts it:

Shatter the world to fragments if you will:

'Twill fall upon a head which knows not fear. [89]

Bear in mind, then, I pray you, the apostle's precept [90] that we should make our work abiding; prepare for yourself a reward from the Lord in my sister's salvation; and by frequent letters increase my joy in that glory in Christ which we share together. __________________________________________________________________

[85] Aristotle is the author of this remark.

[86] Hor. S. i. 3, 1-3.

[87] Mentioned again in Letter VII., § 4.

[88] The person meant is uncertain. Probably it was Lupicinus, bishop of Stridon, for whom see the next letter.

[89] Horace, C. iii. 3, 7, 8.

[90] 1 Cor. iii. 14. __________________________________________________________________

Letter VII. To Chromatius, Jovinus, and Eusebius. [91]

This letter (written like the preceding in 374 a.d.) is addressed by Jerome to three of his former companions in the religious life. It commends Bonosus (§3), asks guidance for the writer's sister (§4), and attacks the conduct of Lupicinus, Bishop of Stridon (§5).

1. Those whom mutual affection has joined together, a written page ought not to sunder. I must not, therefore, distribute my words some to one and some to another. For so strong is the love that binds you together that affection unites all three of you in a bond no less close than that which naturally connects two of your number. [92] Indeed, if the conditions of writing would only admit of it, I should amalgamate your names and express them under a single symbol. The very letter which I have received from you challenges me in each of you to see all three, and in all three to recognize each. When the reverend Evagrius transmitted it to me in the corner of the desert which stretches between the Syrians and the Saracens, my joy was intense. It wholly surpassed the rejoicings felt at Rome when the defeat of Cannæ was retrieved, and Marcellus at Nola cut to pieces the forces of Hannibal. Evagrius frequently comes to see me, and cherishes me in Christ as his own bowels. [93] Yet as he is separated from me by a long distance, his departure has generally left me as much regret as his arrival has brought me joy.

2. I converse with your letter, I embrace it, it talks to me; it alone of those here speaks Latin. For hereabout you must either learn a barbarous jargon or else hold your tongue. As often as the lines--traced in a well-known hand--bring back to me the faces which I hold so dear, either I am no longer here, or else you are here with me. If you will credit the sincerity of affection, I seem to see you all as I write this.

Now at the outset I should like to ask you one petulant question. Why is it that, when we are separated by so great an interval of land and sea, you have sent me so short a letter? Is it that I have deserved no better treatment, not having first written to you? I cannot believe that paper can have failed you while Egypt continues to supply its wares. Even if a Ptolemy had closed the seas, King Attalus would still have sent you parchments from Pergamum, and so by his skins you could have made up for the want of paper. The very name parchment is derived from a historical incident of the kind which occurred generations ago. [94] What then? Am I to suppose the messenger to have been in haste? No matter how long a letter may be, it can be written in the course of a night. Or had you some business to attend to which prevented you from writing? No claim is prior to that of affection. Two suppositions remain, either that you felt disinclined to write or else that I did not deserve a letter. Of the two I prefer to charge you with sloth than to condemn myself as undeserving. For it is easier to mend neglect than to quicken love.

3. You tell me that Bonosus, like a true son of the Fish, has taken to the water. [95] As for me who am still foul with my old stains, like the basilisk and the scorpion I haunt the dry places. [96] Bonosus has his heel already on the serpent's head, whilst I am still as food to the same serpent which by divine appointment devours the earth. [97] He can scale already that ladder of which the psalms of degrees [98] are a type; whilst I, still weeping on its first step, hardly know whether I shall ever be able to say: "I will lift up mine eyes unto the hills, from whence cometh my help." [99] Amid the threatening billows of the world he is sitting in the safe shelter of his island, [100] that is, of the church's pale, and it may be that even now, like John, he is being called to eat God's book; [101] whilst I, still lying in the sepulchre of my sins and bound with the chains of my iniquities, wait for the Lord's command in the Gospel: "Jerome, come forth." [102] But Bonosus has done more than this. Like the prophet [103] he has carried his girdle across the Euphrates (for all the devil's strength is in the loins [104] ), and has hidden it there in a hole of the rock. Then, afterwards finding it rent, he has sung: "O Lord, thou hast possessed my reins. [105] Thou hast broken my bonds in sunder. I will offer to thee the sacrifice of thanksgiving." [106] But as for me, Nebuchadnezzar has brought me in chains to Babylon, to the babel that is of a distracted mind. There he has laid upon me the yoke of captivity; there inserting in my nostrils a ring of iron, [107] he has commanded me to sing one of the songs of Zion. To whom I have said, "The Lord looseth the prisoners; the Lord openeth the eyes of the blind." [108] To complete my contrast in a single sentence, whilst I pray for mercy Bonosus looks for a crown.

4. My sister's conversion is the fruit of the efforts of the saintly Julian. He has planted, it is for you to water, and the Lord will give the increase. [109] Jesus Christ has given her to me to console me for the wound which the devil has inflicted on her. He has restored her from death to life. But in the words of the pagan poet, for her

There is no safety that I do not fear. [110]

You know yourselves how slippery is the path of youth--a path on which I have myself fallen, [111] and which you are now traversing not without fear. She, as she enters upon it, must have the advice and the encouragement of all, she must be aided by frequent letters from you, my reverend brothers. And--for "charity endureth all things," [112] --I beg you to get from Pope [113] Valerian [114] a letter to confirm her resolution. A girl's courage, as you know, is strengthened when she realizes that persons in high place are interested in her.

5. The fact is that my native land is a prey to barbarism, that in it men's only God is their belly, [115] that they live only for the present, and that the richer a man is the holier he is held to be. Moreover, to use a well-worn proverb, the dish has a cover worthy of it; for Lupicinus is their priest. [116] Like lips like lettuce, as the saying goes--the only one, as Lucilius tells us, [117] at which Crassus ever laughed--the reference being to a donkey eating thistles. What I mean is that an unstable pilot steers a leaking ship, and that the blind is leading the blind straight to the pit. The ruler is like the ruled.

6. I salute your mother and mine with the respect which, as you know, I feel towards her. Associated with you as she is in a holy life, she has the start of you, her holy children, in that she is your mother. Her womb may thus be truly called golden. With her I salute your sisters, who ought all to be welcomed wherever they go, for they have triumphed over their sex and the world, and await the Bridegroom's coming, [118] their lamps replenished with oil. O happy the house which is a home of a widowed Anna, of virgins that are prophetesses, and of twin Samuels bred in the Temple! [119] Fortunate the roof which shelters the martyr-mother of the Maccabees, with her sons around her, each and all wearing the martyr's crown! [120] For although you confess Christ every day by keeping His commandments, yet to this private glory you have added the public one of an open confession; for it was through you that the poison of the Arian heresy was formerly banished from your city.

You are surprised perhaps at my thus making a fresh beginning quite at the close of my letter. But what am I to do? I cannot refuse expression to my feelings. The brief limits of a letter compel me to be silent; my affection for you urges me to speak. I write in haste, my language is confused and ill-arranged; but love knows nothing of order. __________________________________________________________________

[91] Jovinus was archdeacon of Aquileia. All three became bishops--Chromatius of Aquileia, the others of unknown sees.

[92] Chromatius and Eusebius were brothers.

[93] Philem. 12.

[94] See Pliny, H. N. xiii. 21.

[95] The Greek word IChThUS represented to the early Christians the sentence 'Iesous Christos Theou Uos Soter. Hence the fish became a favorite emblem of Christ. Tertullian connects the symbol with the water of baptism, saying: "We little fishes are born by our Fish, Jesus Christ, in water and can thrive only by continuing in the water." The allusion in the text is to the baptism of Bonosus. See Schaff, "Ante-Nicene Christianity," p. 279.

[96] Deut. viii. 15.

[97] Gen. iii. 14.

[98] Viz., Psa. cxx.-cxxxiv.

[99] Ps. cxxi. 1.

[100] See Letter III.

[101] Rev. x. 9, 10.

[102] John xi. 43.

[103] Jer. xiii. 4, 5.

[104] Job xl. 16 (said of Behemoth); cf. Letter XXII. § 11.

[105] Ps. cxxxix. 13.

[106] Ps. cxvi. 14, 15, P.B.V.

[107] Cf. 2 Kings xix. 28.

[108] Psa. cxxxvii. 3; cxlvi. 7, 8.

[109] 1 Cor. iii. 6.

[110] Virg. A. iv. 298.

[111] Jerome again refers to his own frailty in Letters XIV. § 6, XVIII. § 11, and XLVIII. § 20.

[112] 1 Cor. xiii. 7.

[113] Papa. The word "pope" was at this time used as a name of respect ("father in God") for bishops generally. Only by degrees did it come to be restricted to the bishop of Rome. Similarly the word "imperator," originally applied to any Roman general, came to be used of the Emperor alone.

[114] Bishop of Aquileia.

[115] Phi. iii. 19.

[116] Sacerdos. In the letters this word generally denotes a bishop. Lupicinus held the see of Stridon.

[117] Cic. de Fin. v. 30.

[118] Matt. xxv. 4.

[119] Luke ii. 36; Acts xxi. 9; 1 Sam. ii. 18.

[120] 2 Macc. vii. __________________________________________________________________

Letter VIII. To Niceas, Sub-Deacon of Aquileia.

Niceas, the sub-deacon, had accompanied Jerome to the East but had now returned home. In after-years he became bishop of Aquileia in succession to Chromatius. The date of the letter is 374 a.d.

The comic poet Turpilius [121] says of the exchange of letters that it alone makes the absent present. The remark, though occurring in a work of fiction, is not untrue. For what more real presence--if I may so speak--can there be between absent friends than speaking to those whom they love in letters, and in letters hearing their reply? Even those Italian savages, the Cascans of Ennius, who--as Cicero tells us in his books on rhetoric--hunted their food like beasts of prey, were wont, before paper and parchment came into use, to exchange letters written on tablets of wood roughly planed, or on strips of bark torn from the trees. For this reason men called letter-carriers tablet-bearers, [122] and letter-writers bark-users, [123] because they used the bark of trees. How much more then are we, who live in a civilized age, bound not to omit a social duty performed by men who lived in a state of gross savagery, and were in some respects entirely ignorant of the refinements of life. The saintly Chromatius, look you, and the reverend Eusebius, brothers as much by compatibility of disposition as by the ties of nature, have challenged me to diligence by the letters which they have showered upon me. You, however, who have but just left me, have not merely unknit our new-made friendship; you have torn it asunder--a process which Lælius, in Cicero's treatise, [124] wisely forbids. Can it be that the East is so hateful to you that you dread the thought of even your letters coming hither? Wake up, wake up, arouse yourself from sleep, give to affection at least one sheet of paper. Amid the pleasures of life at home sometimes heave a sigh over the journeys which we have made together. If you love me, write in answer to my prayer. If you are angry with me, though angry still write. I find my longing soul much comforted when I receive a letter from a friend, even though that friend be out of temper with me. __________________________________________________________________

[121] Turpilius, who appears to have been a dramatist of some note, died in 101 b.c. He is mentioned by Jerome in his edition of the Eusebian Chronicle.

[122] Tabellarii, from tabella, a small tablet.

[123] Librarii, from liber, bark.

[124] Cic. Lælius, 76. __________________________________________________________________

Letter IX. To Chrysogonus, a Monk of Aquileia.

A bantering letter to an indifferent correspondent. Of the same date as the preceding.

Heliodorus, [125] who is so dear to us both, and who loves you with an affection no less deep than my own, may have given you a faithful account of my feelings towards you; how your name is always on my lips, and how in every conversation which I have with him I begin by recalling my pleasant intercourse with you, and go on to marvel at your lowliness, to extol your virtue, and to proclaim your holy love.

Lynxes, they say, when they look behind them, forget what they have just seen, and lose all thought of what their eyes have ceased to behold. And so it seems to be with you. For so entirely have you forgotten our joint attachment that you have not merely blurred but erased the writing of that epistle which, as the apostle tells us, [126] is written in the hearts of Christians. The creatures that I have mentioned lurk on branches of leafy trees and pounce on fleet roes or frightened stags. In vain their victims fly, for they carry their tormentors with them, and these rend their flesh as they run. Lynxes, however, only hunt when an empty belly makes their mouths dry. When they have satisfied their thirst for blood, and have filled their stomachs with food, satiety induces forgetfulness, and they bestow no thought on future prey till hunger recalls them to a sense of their need.

Now in your case it cannot be that you have already had enough of me. Why then do you bring to a premature close a friendship which is but just begun? Why do you let slip what you have hardly as yet fully grasped? But as such remissness as yours is never at a loss for an excuse, you will perhaps declare that you had nothing to write. Had this been so, you should still have written to inform me of the fact. __________________________________________________________________

[125] See introd. to Letter XIV.

[126] 2 Cor. iii. 2. __________________________________________________________________

Letter X. To Paul, an Old Man of Concordia.

Jerome writes to Paul of Concordia, a centenarian (§2), and the owner of a good theological library (§3), to lend him some commentaries. In return he sends him his life (newly written) of Paul the hermit. [127] The date of the letter is 374 a.d.

1. The shortness of man's life is the punishment for man's sin; and the fact that even on the very threshold of the light death constantly overtakes the new-born child proves that the times are continually sinking into deeper depravity. For when the first tiller of paradise had been entangled by the serpent in his snaky coils, and had been forced in consequence to migrate earthwards, although his deathless state was changed for a mortal one, yet the sentence [128] of man's curse was put off for nine hundred years, or even more, a period so long that it may be called a second immortality. Afterwards sin gradually grew more and more virulent, till the ungodliness of the giants [129] brought in its train the shipwreck of the whole world. Then when the world had been cleansed by the baptism--if I may so call it--of the deluge, human life was contracted to a short span. Yet even this we have almost altogether wasted, so continually do our iniquities fight against the divine purposes. For how few there are, either who go beyond their hundredth year, or who, going beyond it, do not regret that they have done so; according to that which the Scripture witnesses in the book of Psalms: "the days of our years are threescore years and ten; and if by reason of strength they be fourscore years, yet is their strength labor and sorrow." [130]

2. Why, say you, these opening reflections so remote and so far fetched that one might use against them the Horatian witticism:

Back to the eggs which Leda laid for Zeus,

The bard is fain to trace the war of Troy? [131]

Simply that I may describe in fitting terms your great age and hoary head as white as Christ's. [132] For see, the hundredth circling year is already passing over you, and yet, always keeping the commandments of the Lord, amid the circumstances of your present life you think over the blessedness of that which is to come. Your eyes are bright and keen, your steps steady, your hearing good, your teeth are white, your voice musical, your flesh firm and full of sap; your ruddy cheeks belie your white hairs, your strength is not that of your age. Advancing years have not, as we too often see them do, impaired the tenacity of your memory; the coldness of your blood has not blunted an intellect at once warm and wary. [133] Your face is not wrinkled nor your brow furrowed. Lastly, no tremors palsy your hand or cause it to travel in crooked pathways over the wax on which you write. The Lord shows us in you the bloom of the resurrection that is to be ours; so that whereas in others who die by inches whilst yet living, we recognize the results of sin, in your case we ascribe it to righteousness that you still simulate youth at an age to which it is foreign. And although we see the like haleness of body in many even of those who are sinners, in their case it is a grant of the devil to lead them into sin, whilst in yours it is a gift of God to make you rejoice.

3. Tully in his brilliant speech on behalf of Flaccus [134] describes the learning of the Greeks as "innate frivolity and accomplished vanity."

Certainly their ablest literary men used to receive money for pronouncing eulogies upon their kings or princes. Following their example, I set a price upon my praise. Nor must you suppose my demand a small one. You are asked to give me the pearl of the Gospel, [135] "the words of the Lord," "pure words, even as the silver which from the earth is tried, and purified seven times in the fire," [136] I mean the commentaries of Fortunatian [137] and--for its account of the persecutors--the History of Aurelius Victor, [138] and with these the Letters of Novatian; [139] so that, learning the poison set forth by this schismatic, we may the more gladly drink of the antidote supplied by the holy martyr Cyprian. In the mean time I have sent to you, that is to say, to Paul the aged, a Paul that is older still. [140] I have taken great pains to bring my language down to the level of the simpler sort. But, somehow or other, though you fill it with water, the jar retains the odor which it acquired when first used. [141] If my little gift should please you, I have others also in store which (if the Holy Spirit shall breathe favorably), shall sail across the sea to you with all kinds of eastern merchandise. __________________________________________________________________

[127] See the Life of Paul in this volume.

[128] Elogium.

[129] Gen. vi. 4.

[130] Ps. xc. 10.

[131] Hor. A. P. 147. Zeus having visited Leda in the form of a swan, she produced two eggs, from one of which came Castor and Pollux, and from the other Helen, who was the cause of the Trojan war.

[132] Rev. i. 14.

[133] A play on words: callidus, "wary," is indistinguishable in sound from calidus, "warm."

[134] The words quoted do not occur in the extant portion of Cicero's speech.

[135] Matt. xiii. 46.

[136] Ps. xii. 7, P. B. V.

[137] For some account of this writer see Jerome, De V. iii. c. xcvii.

[138] A Roman annalist some of whose works are still extant. He was contemporary with but probably older than Jerome.

[139] A puritan of the third century who seceded from the Roman church because of the laxity of its discipline.

[140] I.e. the life of Paul the Hermit, translated in this vol.

[141] Hor. Ep. I. ii. 69; cf. T. Moore: "You may break, you may shatter the vase if you will: The scent of the roses will hang round it still." __________________________________________________________________

Letter XI. To the Virgins of Æmona.

Æmona was a Roman colony not far from Stridon, Jerome's birthplace. The virgins to whom the note is addressed had omitted to answer his letters, and he now writes to upbraid them for their remissness. The date of the letter is 374 a.d.

This scanty sheet of paper shows in what a wilderness I live, and because of it I have to say much in few words. For, desirous though I am to speak to you more fully, this miserable scrap compels me to leave much unsaid. Still ingenuity makes up for lack of means, and by writing small I can say a great deal. Observe, I beseech you, how I love you, even in the midst of my difficulties, since even the want of materials does not stop me from writing to you.

Pardon, I beseech you, an aggrieved man: if I speak in tears and in anger it is because I have been injured. For in return for my regular letters you have not sent me a single syllable. Light, I know, has no communion with darkness, [142] and God's handmaidens no fellowship with a sinner, yet a harlot was allowed to wash the Lord's feet with her tears, [143] and dogs are permitted to eat of their masters' crumbs. [144] It was the Saviour's mission to call sinners and not the righteous; for, as He said Himself, "they that be whole need not a physician." [145] He wills the repentance of a sinner rather than his death, [146] and carries home the poor stray sheep on His own shoulders. [147] So, too, when the prodigal son returns, his father receives him with joy. [148] Nay more, the apostle says: "Judge nothing before the time." [149] For "who art thou that judgest another man's servant? To his own master he standeth or falleth." [150] And "let him that standeth take heed lest he fall." [151] "Bear ye one another's burdens." [152]

Dear sisters, man's envy judges in one way, Christ in another; and the whisper of a corner is not the same as the sentence of His tribunal. Many ways seem right to men which are afterwards found to be wrong. [153] And a treasure is often stowed in earthen vessels. [154] Peter thrice denied his Lord, yet his bitter tears restored him to his place. "To whom much is forgiven, the same loveth much." [155] No word is said of the flock as a whole, yet the angels joy in heaven over the safety of one sick ewe. [156] And if any one demurs to this reasoning, the Lord Himself has said: "Friend, is thine eye evil because I am good?" [157] __________________________________________________________________

[142] 2 Cor. vi. 14.

[143] Luke vii. 37 sqq.

[144] Matt. xv. 27.

[145] Matt. ix. 12, 13.

[146] Ezek. xxxiii. 11.

[147] Luke xv. 5.

[148] Luke xv. 20.

[149] 1 Cor. iv. 5.

[150] Rom. xiv. 4.

[151] 1 Cor. x. 12.

[152] Gal. vi. 2.

[153] Cf. Prov. xiv. 12.

[154] 2 Cor. iv. 7.

[155] Luke vii. 47.

[156] Luke xv. 7, 10.

[157] Matt. xx. 15. __________________________________________________________________

Letter XII. To Antony, Monk.

The subject of this letter is similar to that of the preceding. Of Antony nothing is known except that some mss. describe him as "of Æmona." The date of the letter is 374 a.d.

While the disciples were disputing concerning precedence our Lord, the teacher of humility, took a little child and said: "Except ye be converted and become as little children ye cannot enter the kingdom of heaven." [158] And lest He should seem to preach more than he practised, He fulfilled His own precept in His life. For He washed His disciples' feet, [159] he received the traitor with a kiss, [160] He conversed with the woman of Samaria, [161] He spoke of the kingdom of heaven with Mary at His feet, [162] and when He rose again from the dead He showed Himself first to some poor women. [163] Pride is opposed to humility, and through it Satan lost his eminence as an archangel. The Jewish people perished in their pride, for while they claimed the chief seats and salutations in the market place, [164] they were superseded by the Gentiles, who had before been counted as "a drop of a bucket." [165] Two poor fishermen, Peter and James, were sent to confute the sophists and the wise men of the world. As the Scripture says: "God resisteth the proud and giveth grace to the humble." [166] Think, brother, what a sin it must be which has God for its opponent. In the Gospel the Pharisee is rejected because of his pride, and the publican is accepted because of his humility. [167]

Now, unless I am mistaken, I have already sent you ten letters, affectionate and earnest, whilst you have not deigned to give me even a single line. The Lord speaks to His servants, but you, my brother servant, refuse to speak to me. Believe me, if reserve did not check my pen, I could show my annoyance in such invective that you would have to reply--even though it might be in anger. But since anger is human, and a Christian must not act injuriously, I fall back once more on entreaty, and beg you to love one who loves you, and to write to him as a servant should to his fellow-servant. Farewell in the Lord. __________________________________________________________________

[158] Matt. xviii. 3.

[159] Joh. xiii. 5.

[160] Luke xxii. 47.

[161] Joh. iv. 7.

[162] Luke vii. 40 sqq.: the heroine of this story is identified by Jerome with Mary Magdalene.

[163] Matt. xxviii. 1, 9.

[164] Matt. xxiii. 6, 7.

[165] Isa. xl. 15.

[166] 1 Pet. v. 5.

[167] Luke xviii. 9 sqq. __________________________________________________________________

Letter XIII. To Castorina, His Maternal Aunt.

An interesting letter, as throwing some light on Jerome's family relations. Castorina, his maternal aunt, had, for some reason, become estranged from him, and he now writes to her to effect a reconciliation. Whether he succeeded in doing so, we do not know. The date of the letter is 374 a.d.

The apostle and evangelist John rightly says, in his first epistle, that "whosoever hateth his brother is a murderer." [168] For, since murder often springs from hate, the hater, even though he has not yet slain his victim, is at heart a murderer. Why, you ask, do I begin in this style? Simply that you and I may both lay aside past ill feeling and cleanse our hearts to be a habitation for God. "Be ye angry," David says, "and sin not," or, as the apostle more fully expresses it, "let not the sun go down upon your wrath." [169] What then shall we do in the day of judgment, upon whose wrath the sun has gone down not one day but many years? The Lord says in the Gospel: "If thou bring thy gift to the altar, and there rememberest that thy brother hath aught against thee; leave there thy gift before the altar, and go thy way; first be reconciled to thy brother, and then come and offer thy gift." [170] Woe to me, wretch that I am; woe, I had almost said, to you also. This long time past we have either offered no gift at the altar or have offered it whilst cherishing anger "without a cause." How have we been able in our daily prayers to say "Forgive us our debts as we forgive our debtors," [171] whilst our feelings have been at variance with our words, and our petition inconsistent with our conduct? Therefore I renew the prayer which I made a year ago in a previous letter, [172] that the Lord's legacy of peace [173] may be indeed ours, and that my desires and your feelings may find favor in His sight. Soon we shall stand before His judgment seat to receive the reward of harmony restored or to pay the penalty for harmony broken. In case you shall prove unwilling--I hope that it may not be so--to accept my advances, I for my part shall be free. For this letter, when it is read, will insure my acquittal. __________________________________________________________________

[168] 1 Joh. iii. 15.

[169] Ps. iv. 4, LXX.; Eph. iv. 26.

[170] Matt. v. 23, 24.

[171] Matt. vi. 12.

[172] This is no longer extant.

[173] John xiv. 27. __________________________________________________________________

Letter XIV. To Heliodorus, Monk.

Heliodorus, originally a soldier, but now a presbyter of the Church, had accompanied Jerome to the East, but, not feeling called to the solitary life of the desert, had returned to Aquileia. Here he resumed his clerical duties, and in course of time was raised to the episcopate as bishop of Altinum.

The letter was written in the first bitterness of separation and reproaches Heliodorus for having gone back from the perfect way of the ascetic life. The description given of this is highly colored and seems to have produced a great impression in the West. Fabiola was so much enchanted by it that she learned the letter by heart. [174] The date is 373 or 374 a.d.

1. So conscious are you of the affection which exists between us that you cannot but recognize the love and passion with which I strove to prolong our common sojourn in the desert. This very letter--blotted, as you see, with tears--gives evidence of the lamentation and weeping with which I accompanied your departure. With the pretty ways of a child you then softened your refusal by soothing words, and I, being off my guard, knew not what to do. Was I to hold my peace? I could not conceal my eagerness by a show of indifference. Or was I to entreat you yet more earnestly? You would have refused to listen, for your love was not like mine. Despised affection has taken the one course open to it. Unable to keep you when present, it goes in search of you when absent. You asked me yourself, when you were going away, to invite you to the desert when I took up my quarters there, and I for my part promised to do so. Accordingly I invite you now; come, and come quickly. Do not call to mind old ties; the desert is for those who have left all. Nor let the hardships of our former travels deter you. You believe in Christ, believe also in His words: "Seek ye first the kingdom of God and all these things shall be added unto you." [175] Take neither scrip nor staff. He is rich enough who is poor--with Christ.

2. But what is this, and why do I foolishly importune you again? Away with entreaties, an end to coaxing words. Offended love does well to be angry. You have spurned my petition; perhaps you will listen to my remonstrance. What keeps you, effeminate soldier, in your father's house? Where are your ramparts and trenches? When have you spent a winter in the field? Lo, the trumpet sounds from heaven! Lo, the Leader comes with clouds! [176] He is armed to subdue the world, and out of His mouth proceeds a two-edged sword [177] to mow down all that encounters it. But as for you, what will you do? Pass straight from your chamber to the battle-field, and from the cool shade into the burning sun? Nay, a body used to a tunic cannot endure a buckler; a head that has worn a cap refuses a helmet; a hand made tender by disuse is galled by a sword-hilt. [178] Hear the proclamation of your King: "He that is not with me is against me, and he that gathereth not with me scattereth." [179] Remember the day on which you enlisted, when, buried with Christ in baptism, you swore fealty to Him, declaring that for His sake you would spare neither father nor mother. Lo, the enemy is striving to slay Christ in your breast. Lo, the ranks of the foe sigh over that bounty which you received when you entered His service. Should your little nephew [180] hang on your neck, pay no regard to him; should your mother with ashes on her hair and garments rent show you the breasts at which she nursed you, heed her not; should your father prostrate himself on the threshold, trample him under foot and go your way. With dry eyes fly to the standard of the cross. In such cases cruelty is the only true affection.

3. Hereafter there shall come--yes, there shall come--a day when you will return a victor to your true country, and will walk through the heavenly Jerusalem crowned with the crown of valor. Then will you receive the citizenship thereof with Paul. [181] Then will you seek the like privilege for your parents. Then will you intercede for me who have urged you forward on the path of victory.

I am not ignorant of the fetters which you may plead as hindrances. My breast is not of iron nor my heart of stone. I was not born of flint or suckled by a tigress. [182] I have passed through troubles like yours myself. Now it is a widowed sister who throws her caressing arms around you. Now it is the slaves, your foster-brothers, who cry, "To what master are you leaving us?" Now it is a nurse bowed with age, and a body-servant loved only less than a father, who exclaim: "Only wait till we die and follow us to our graves." Perhaps, too, an aged mother, with sunken bosom and furrowed brow, recalling the lullaby [183] with which she once soothed you, adds her entreaties to theirs. The learned may call you, if they please,

The sole support and pillar of your house. [184]

The love of God and the fear of hell will easily break such bonds.

Scripture, you will argue, bids us obey our parents. [185] Yes, but whoso loves them more than Christ loses his own soul. [186] The enemy takes sword in hand to slay me, and shall I think of a mother's tears? Or shall I desert the service of Christ for the sake of a father to whom, if I am Christ's servant, I owe no rites of burial, [187] albeit if I am Christ's true servant I owe these to all? Peter with his cowardly advice was an offence to the Lord on the eve of His passion; [188] and to the brethren who strove to restrain him from going up to Jerusalem, Paul's one answer was: "What mean ye to weep and to break my heart? For I am ready not to be bound only, but also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus." [189] The battering-ram of natural affection which so often shatters faith must recoil powerless from the wall of the Gospel. "My mother and my brethren are these whosoever do the will of my Father which is in heaven." [190] If they believe in Christ let them bid me God-speed, for I go to fight in His name. And if they do not believe, "let the dead bury their dead." [191]

4. But all this, you argue, only touches the case of martyrs. Ah! my brother, you are mistaken, you are mistaken, if you suppose that there is ever a time when the Christian does not suffer persecution. Then are you most hardly beset when you know not that you are beset at all. "Our adversary as a roaring lion walketh about seeking whom he may devour," [192] and do you think of peace? "He sitteth in the lurking-places of the villages: in the secret places doth he murder the innocent; his eyes are privily set against the poor. He lieth in wait secretly as a lion in his den; he lieth in wait to catch the poor;" [193] and do you slumber under a shady tree, so as to fall an easy prey? On one side self-indulgence presses me hard; on another covetousness strives to make an inroad; my belly wishes to be a God to me, in place of Christ, [194] and lust would fain drive away the Holy Spirit that dwells in me and defile His temple. [195] I am pursued, I say, by an enemy

Whose name is Legion and his wiles untold; [196]

and, hapless wretch that I am, how shall I hold myself a victor when I am being led away a captive?

5. My dear brother, weigh well the various forms of transgression, and think not that the sins which I have mentioned are less flagrant than that of idolatry. Nay, hear the apostle's view of the matter. "For this ye know," he writes, "that no whore-monger or unclean person, nor covetous man, who is an idolater, hath any inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God." [197] In a general way all that is of the devil savors of enmity to God, and what is of the devil is idolatry, since all idols are subject to him. Yet Paul elsewhere lays down the law in express and unmistakable terms, saying: "Mortify your members, which are upon the earth, laying aside fornication, uncleanness, evil concupiscence and covetousness, which are [198] idolatry, for which things' sake the wrath of God cometh." [199]

Idolatry is not confined to casting incense upon an altar with finger and thumb, or to pouring libations of wine out of a cup into a bowl. Covetousness is idolatry, or else the selling of the Lord for thirty pieces of silver was a righteous act. [200] Lust involves profanation, or else men may defile with common harlots [201] those members of Christ which should be "a living sacrifice acceptable to God." [202] Fraud is idolatry, or else they are worthy of imitation who, in the Acts of the Apostles, sold their inheritance, and because they kept back part of the price, perished by an instant doom. [203] Consider well, my brother; nothing is yours to keep. "Whosoever he be of you," the Lord says, "that forsaketh not all that he hath, he cannot be my disciple." [204] Why are you such a half-hearted Christian?

6. See how Peter left his net; [205] see how the publican rose from the receipt of custom. [206] In a moment he became an apostle. "The Son of man hath not where to lay his head," [207] and do you plan wide porticos and spacious halls? If you look to inherit the good things of the world you can no longer be a joint-heir with Christ. [208] You are called a monk, and has the name no meaning? What brings you, a solitary, into the throng of men? The advice that I give is that of no inexperienced mariner who has never lost either ship or cargo, and has never known a gale. Lately shipwrecked as I have been myself, my warnings to other voyagers spring from my own fears. On one side, like Charybdis, self-indulgence sucks into its vortex the soul's salvation. On the other, like Scylla, lust, with a smile on her girl's face, lures it on to wreck its chastity. The coast is savage, and the devil with a crew of pirates carries irons to fetter his captives. Be not credulous, be not over-confident. The sea may be as smooth and smiling as a pond, its quiet surface may be scarcely ruffled by a breath of air, yet sometimes its waves are as high as mountains. There is danger in its depths, the foe is lurking there. Ease your sheets, spread your sails, fasten the cross as an ensign on your prow. The calm that you speak of is itself a tempest. "Why so?" you will perhaps argue; "are not all my fellow-townsmen Christians?" Your case, I reply, is not that of others. Listen to the words of the Lord: "If thou wilt be perfect go and sell that thou hast, and give to the poor, and come and follow me." [209] You have already promised to be perfect. For when you forsook the army and made yourself an eunuch for the kingdom of heaven's sake, [210] you did so that you might follow the perfect life. Now the perfect servant of Christ has nothing beside Christ. Or if he have anything beside Christ he is not perfect. And if he be not perfect when he has promised God to be so, his profession is a lie. But "the mouth that lieth slayeth the soul." [211] To conclude, then, if you are perfect you will not set your heart on your father's goods; and if you are not perfect you have deceived the Lord. The Gospel thunders forth its divine warning: "Ye cannot serve two masters," [212] and does any one dare to make Christ a liar by serving at once both God and Mammon? Repeatedly does He proclaim, "If any one will come after me let him deny himself and take up his cross and follow me." [213] If I load myself with gold can I think that I am following Christ? Surely not. "He that saith he abideth in Him ought himself also so to walk even as He walked." [214]

7. I know you will rejoin that you possess nothing. Why, then, if you are so well prepared for battle, do you not take the field? Perhaps you think that you can wage war in your own country, although the Lord could do no signs in His? [215] Why not? you ask. Take the answer which comes to you with his authority: "No prophet is accepted in his own country." [216] But, you will say, I do not seek honor; the approval of my conscience is enough for me. Neither did the Lord seek it; for when the multitudes would have made Him a king he fled from them. [217] But where there is no honor there is contempt; and where there is contempt there is frequent rudeness; and where there is rudeness there is vexation; and where there is vexation there is no rest; and where there is no rest the mind is apt to be diverted from its purpose. Again, where, through restlessness, earnestness loses any of its force, it is lessened by what it loses, and that which is lessened cannot be called perfect. The upshot of all which is that a monk cannot be perfect in his own country. Now, not to aim at perfection is itself a sin.

8. Driven from this line of defence you will appeal to the example of the clergy. These, you will say, remain in their cities, and yet they are surely above criticism. Far be it from me to censure the successors of the apostles, who with holy words consecrate the body of Christ, and who make us Christians. [218] Having the keys of the kingdom of heaven, they judge men to some extent before the day of judgment, and guard the chastity of the bride of Christ. But, as I have before hinted, the case of monks is different from that of the clergy. The clergy feed Christ's sheep; I as a monk am fed by them. They live of the altar: [219] I, if I bring no gift to it, have the axe laid to my root as to that of a barren tree. [220] Nor can I plead poverty as an excuse, for the Lord in the gospel has praised an aged widow for casting into the treasury the last two coins that she had. [221] I may not sit in the presence of a presbyter; [222] he, if I sin, may deliver me to Satan, "for the destruction of the flesh that the spirit may be saved." [223] Under the old law he who disobeyed the priests was put outside the camp and stoned by the people, or else he was beheaded and expiated his contempt with his blood. [224] But now the disobedient person is cut down with the spiritual sword, or he is expelled from the church and torn to pieces by ravening demons. Should the entreaties of your brethren induce you to take orders, I shall rejoice that you are lifted up, and fear lest you may be cast down. You will say: "If a man desire the office of a bishop, he desireth a good work." [225] I know that; but you should add what follows: such an one "must be blameless, the husband of one wife, vigilant, sober, chaste, of good behavior, given to hospitality, apt to teach, not given to wine, no striker but patient." [226] After fully explaining the qualifications of a bishop the apostle speaks of ministers of the third degree with equal care. "Likewise must the deacons be grave," he writes, "not double-tongued, not given to much wine, not greedy of filthy lucre, holding the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience. And let these also first be proved; then, let them minister, being found blameless." [227] Woe to the man who goes in to the supper without a wedding garment. Nothing remains for him but the stern question, "Friend, how camest thou in hither?" And when he is speechless the order will be given, "Bind him hand and foot, and take him away, and cast him into outer darkness; there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth." [228] Woe to him who, when he has received a talent, has bound it in a napkin; and, whilst others make profits, only preserves what he has received. His angry lord shall rebuke him in a moment. "Thou wicked servant," he will say, "wherefore gavest thou not my money into the bank that at my coming I might have required mine own with usury?" [229] That is to say, you should have laid before the altar what you were not able to bear. For whilst you, a slothful trader, keep a penny in your hands, you occupy the place of another who might double the money. Wherefore, as he who ministers well purchases to himself a good degree, [230] so he who approaches the cup of the Lord unworthily shall be guilty of the body and blood of the Lord. [231]

9. Not all bishops are bishops indeed. You consider Peter; mark Judas as well. You notice Stephen; look also on Nicolas, sentenced in the Apocalypse by the Lord's own lips, [232] whose shameful imaginations gave rise to the heresy of the Nicolaitans. "Let a man examine himself and so let him come." [233] For it is not ecclesiastical rank that makes a man a Christian. The centurion Cornelius was still a heathen when he was cleansed by the gift of the Holy Spirit. Daniel was but a child when he judged the elders. [234] Amos was stripping mulberry bushes when, in a moment, he was made a prophet. [235] David was only a shepherd when he was chosen to be king. [236] And the least of His disciples was the one whom Jesus loved the most. My brother, sit down in the lower room, that when one less honorable comes you may be bidden to go up higher. [237] Upon whom does the Lord rest but upon him that is lowly and of a contrite spirit, and that trembleth at His word? [238] To whom God has committed much, of him He will ask the more. [239] "Mighty men shall be mightily tormented." [240] No man need pride himself in the day of judgment on merely physical chastity, for then shall men give account for every idle word, [241] and the reviling of a brother shall be counted as the sin of murder. [242] Paul and Peter now reign with Christ, and it is not easy to take the place of the one or to hold the office of the other. There may come an angel to rend the veil of your temple, [243] and to remove your candlestick out of its place. [244] If you intend to build the tower, first count the cost. [245] Salt that has lost its savor is good for nothing but to be cast out and to be trodden under foot of swine. [246] If a monk fall, a priest shall intercede for him; but who shall intercede for a fallen priest?

10. At last my discourse is clear of the reefs: at last this frail bark has passed from the breakers into deep water. I may now spread my sails to the breeze; and, as I leave the rocks of controversy astern, my epilogue will be like the joyful shout of mariners. O desert, bright with the flowers of Christ! O solitude whence come the stones of which, in the Apocalypse, the city of the great king is built! [247] O wilderness, gladdened with God's especial presence! What keeps you in the world, my brother, you who are above the world? [248] How long shall gloomy roofs oppress you? How long shall smoky cities immure you? Believe me, I have more light than you. Sweet it is to lay aside the weight of the body and to soar into the pure bright ether. Do you dread poverty? Christ calls the poor blessed. [249] Does toil frighten you? No athlete is crowned but in the sweat of his brow. Are you anxious as regards food? Faith fears no famine. Do you dread the bare ground for limbs wasted with fasting? The Lord lies there beside you. Do you recoil from an unwashed head and uncombed hair? Christ is your true head. [250] Does the boundless solitude of the desert terrify you? In the spirit you may walk always in paradise. Do but turn your thoughts thither and you will be no more in the desert. Is your skin rough and scaly because you no longer bathe? He that is once washed in Christ needeth not to wash again. [251] To all your objections the apostle gives this one brief answer: "The sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory" which shall come after them, "which shall be revealed in us." [252] You are too greedy of enjoyment, my brother, if you wish to rejoice with the world here, and to reign with Christ hereafter.

11. It shall come, it shall come, that day when this corruptible shall put on incorruption, and this mortal shall put on immortality. [253] Then shall that servant be blessed whom the Lord shall find watching. [254] Then at the sound of the trumpet [255] the earth and its peoples shall tremble, but you shall rejoice. The world shall howl at the Lord who comes to judge it, and the tribes of the earth shall smite the breast. Once mighty kings shall tremble in their nakedness. Venus shall be exposed, and her son too. Jupiter with his fiery bolts will be brought to trial; and Plato, with his disciples, will be but a fool. Aristotle's arguments shall be of no avail. You may seem a poor man and country bred, but then you shall exult and laugh, and say: Behold my crucified Lord, behold my judge. This is He who was once an infant wrapped in swaddling clothes and crying in a manger. [256] This is He whose parents were a workingman and a working-woman. [257] This is He, who, carried into Egypt in His mother's bosom, though He was God, fled before the face of man. This is He who was clothed in a scarlet robe and crowned with thorns. [258] This is He who was called a sorcerer and a man with a devil and a Samaritan. [259] Jew, behold the hands which you nailed to the cross. Roman, behold the side which you pierced with the spear. See both of you whether it was this body that the disciples stole secretly and by night. [260] For this you profess to believe.

My brother, it is affection which has urged me to speak thus; that you who now find the Christian life so hard may have your reward in that day. __________________________________________________________________

[174] See Ep. lxxvii. 9.

[175] Matt. vi. 33.

[176] Rev. i. 7.

[177] Rev. i. 16.

[178] A reminiscence of Tertullian.

[179] Matt. xii. 30.

[180] Nepotian, afterwards famous as the recipient of Letter LII., and the subject of Letter LX.

[181] Phi. iii. 20, R.V.

[182] Virg. A. iv. 367.

[183] Pers. iii. 18.

[184] Virg. A. xii. 59.

[185] Eph. vi. 1.

[186] Matt. x. 37.

[187] Luke ix. 59, 60.

[188] Matt. xvi. 23.

[189] Acts xxi. 13.

[190] Luke viii. 21; Matt. xii. 50.

[191] Matt. viii. 22.

[192] 1 Pet. v. 8.

[193] Ps. x. 8, 9.

[194] Phi. iii. 19.

[195] 1 Cor iii. 17.

[196] Virg. A. vii. 337.

[197] Eph. v. 5.

[198] So Jerome, although the Vulg. has "is."

[199] Col. iii. 5, 6.

[200] Matt. xxvi. 15.

[201] Publicarum libidinum victimæ; words borrowed from Tertullian, de C. F. II. 12.

[202] Rom. xii. 1.

[203] Acts v., Ananias and Sapphira.

[204] Luke xiv. 33.

[205] Matt. iv. 18-20.

[206] Matt. ix. 9.

[207] Matt. viii. 20.

[208] Rom. viii. 17.

[209] Matt. xix. 21.

[210] Matt. xix. 12.

[211] Wisd. i. 11.

[212] Luke xvi. 13.

[213] Luke ix. 23.

[214] 1 Joh. ii. 6.

[215] Matt. xiii. 58.

[216] Luke iv. 24.

[217] Joh. vi. 15.

[218] In the sacrament of baptism.

[219] 1 Cor. ix. 13, 14.

[220] Matt. iii. 10.

[221] Luke xxi. 1-4.

[222] Cf. Letter CXLVI.

[223] 1 Cor. v. 5.

[224] Deut. xvii. 5, 12.

[225] 1 Tim. iii. 1.

[226] 1 Tim. iii. 2, 3.

[227] 1 Tim. iii. 8-10.

[228] Matt. xxii. 11-13.

[229] Luke xix. 23.

[230] 1 Tim. iii. 13.

[231] 1 Cor. xi. 27.

[232] Rev. ii. 6.

[233] 1 Cor. xi. 28.

[234] Susannah 45 sqq.

[235] Amos vii. 14.

[236] 1 Sam. xvi. 11-13.

[237] Luke xiv. 10.

[238] Isa. lxvi. 2.

[239] Luke xii. 48.

[240] Wisd. vi. 6.

[241] Matt. xii. 36.

[242] Matt. v. 21, 22.

[243] Matt. xxvii. 51.

[244] Rev. ii. 5.

[245] Luke xiv. 28.

[246] Matt. v. 13.

[247] Rev. xxi. 19, 20.

[248] From Cyprian, Letter I. 14 (to Donatus).

[249] Luke vi. 20.

[250] From Cyprian, Letter LXXVII. 2 (to Nemesianus).

[251] Joh. xiii. 10.

[252] Rom. viii. 18.

[253] 1 Cor. xv. 53.

[254] Matt. xxiv. 46.

[255] 1 Thess. iv. 16.

[256] Luke ii. 7.

[257] From Tertullian, de Spect. xxx.

[258] Matt. xxvii. 28, 29.

[259] Joh. viii. 48.

[260] Matt. xxvii. 64. __________________________________________________________________

Letter XV. To Pope Damasus.

This letter, written in 376 or 377 a.d., illustrates Jerome's attitude towards the see of Rome at this time held by Damasus, afterwards his warm friend and admirer. Referring to Rome as the scene of his own baptism and as a church where the true faith has remained unimpaired (§1), and laying down the strict doctrine of salvation only within the pale of the church (§2), Jerome asks "the successor of the fisherman" two questions, viz.: (1) who is the true bishop of the three claimants of the see of Antioch, and (2) which is the correct terminology, to speak of three "hypostases" in the Godhead, or of one? On the latter question he expresses fully his own opinion.

1. Since the East, shattered as it is by the long-standing feuds, subsisting between its peoples, is bit by bit tearing into shreds the seamless vest of the Lord, "woven from the top throughout," [261] since the foxes are destroying the vineyard of Christ, [262] and since among the broken cisterns that hold no water it is hard to discover "the sealed fountain" and "the garden inclosed," [263] I think it my duty to consult the chair of Peter, and to turn to a church whose faith has been praised by Paul. [264] I appeal for spiritual food to the church whence I have received the garb of Christ. [265] The wide space of sea and land that lies between us cannot deter me from searching for "the pearl of great price." [266] "Wheresoever the body is, there will the eagles be gathered together." [267] Evil children have squandered their patrimony; you alone keep your heritage intact. The fruitful soil of Rome, when it receives the pure seed of the Lord, bears fruit an hundredfold; but here the seed corn is choked in the furrows and nothing grows but darnel or oats. [268] In the West the Sun of righteousness [269] is even now rising; in the East, Lucifer, who fell from heaven, [270] has once more set his throne above the stars. [271] "Ye are the light of the world," [272] "ye are the salt of the earth," [273] ye are "vessels of gold and of silver." Here are vessels of wood or of earth, [274] which wait for the rod of iron, [275] and eternal fire.

2. Yet, though your greatness terrifies me, your kindness attracts me. From the priest I demand the safe-keeping of the victim, from the shepherd the protection due to the sheep. Away with all that is overweening; let the state of Roman majesty withdraw. My words are spoken to the successor of the fisherman, to the disciple of the cross. As I follow no leader save Christ, so I communicate with none but your blessedness, that is with the chair of Peter. For this, I know, is the rock on which the church is built! [276] This is the house where alone the paschal lamb can be rightly eaten. [277] This is the ark of Noah, and he who is not found in it shall perish when the flood prevails. [278] But since by reason of my sins I have betaken myself to this desert which lies between Syria and the uncivilized waste, I cannot, owing to the great distance between us, always ask of your sanctity the holy thing of the Lord. [279] Consequently I here follow the Egyptian confessors [280] who share your faith, and anchor my frail craft under the shadow of their great argosies. I know nothing of Vitalis; I reject Meletius; I have nothing to do with Paulinus. [281] He that gathers not with you scatters; [282] he that is not of Christ is of Antichrist.

3. Just now, I am sorry to say, those Arians, the Campenses, [283] are trying to extort from me, a Roman Christian, their unheard-of formula of three hypostases. [284] And this, too, after the definition of Nicæa [285] and the decree of Alexandria, [286] in which the West has joined. Where, I should like to know, are the apostles of these doctrines? Where is their Paul, their new doctor of the Gentiles? I ask them what three hypostases are supposed to mean. They reply three persons subsisting. I rejoin that this is my belief. They are not satisfied with the meaning, they demand the term. Surely some secret venom lurks in the words. "If any man refuse," I cry, "to acknowledge three hypostases in the sense of three things hypostatized, that is three persons subsisting, let him be anathema." Yet, because I do not learn their words, I am counted a heretic. "But, if any one, understanding by hypostasis essence, [287] deny that in the three persons there is one hypostasis, he has no part in Christ." Because this is my confession I, like you, am branded with the stigma of Sabellianism. [288]

4. If you think fit enact a decree; and then I shall not hesitate to speak of three hypostases. Order a new creed to supersede the Nicene; and then, whether we are Arians or orthodox, one confession will do for us all. In the whole range of secular learning hypostasis never means anything but essence. And can any one, I ask, be so profane as to speak of three essences or substances in the Godhead? There is one nature of God and one only; and this, and this alone, truly is. For absolute being is derived from no other source but is all its own. All things besides, that is all things created, although they appear to be, are not. For there was a time when they were not, and that which once was not may again cease to be. God alone who is eternal, that is to say, who has no beginning, really deserves to be called an essence. Therefore also He says to Moses from the bush, "I am that I am," and Moses says of Him, "I am hath sent me." [289] As the angels, the sky, the earth, the seas, all existed at the time, it must have been as the absolute being that God claimed for himself that name of essence, which apparently was common to all. But because His nature alone is perfect, and because in the three persons there subsists but one Godhead, which truly is and is one nature; whosoever in the name of religion declares that there are in the Godhead three elements, three hypostases, that is, or essences, is striving really to predicate three natures of God. And if this is true, why are we severed by walls from Arius, when in dishonesty we are one with him? Let Ursicinus be made the colleague of your blessedness; let Auxentius be associated with Ambrose. [290] But may the faith of Rome never come to such a pass! May the devout hearts of your people never be infected with such unholy doctrines! Let us be satisfied to speak of one substance and of three subsisting persons--perfect, equal, coeternal. Let us keep to one hypostasis, if such be your pleasure, and say nothing of three. It is a bad sign when those who mean the same thing use different words. Let us be satisfied with the form of creed which we have hitherto used. Or, if you think it right that I should speak of three hypostases, explaining what I mean by them, I am ready to submit. But, believe me, there is poison hidden under their honey; the angel of Satan has transformed himself into an angel of light. [291] They give a plausible explanation of the term hypostasis; yet when I profess to hold it in the same sense they count me a heretic. Why are they so tenacious of a word? Why do they shelter themselves under ambiguous language? If their belief corresponds to their explanation of it, I do not condemn them for keeping it. On the other hand, if my belief corresponds to their expressed opinions, they should allow me to set forth their meaning in my own words.

5. I implore your blessedness, therefore, by the crucified Saviour of the world, and by the consubstantial trinity, to authorize me by letter either to use or to refuse this formula of three hypostases. And lest the obscurity of my present abode may baffle the bearers of your letter, I pray you to address it to Evagrius, the presbyter, with whom you are well acquainted. I beg you also to signify with whom I am to communicate at Antioch. Not, I hope, with the Campenses; [292] for they--with their allies the heretics of Tarsus [293] --only desire communion with you to preach with greater authority their traditional doctrine of three hypostases. __________________________________________________________________

[261] Joh. xix. 23.

[262] Cant. ii. 15.

[263] Cant. iv. 12.

[264] Rom. i. 8: I thank my God through Jesus Christ for you all that your faith is spoken of throughout the whole world.

[265] I.e. holy baptism; cf. Gal. iii. 27.

[266] Matt. xiii. 46.

[267] Matt. xxiv. 28.

[268] Matt. xiii. 22, 23.

[269] Mal. iv. 2.

[270] Luke x. 18.

[271] Isa. xiv. 12.

[272] Matt. v. 14.

[273] Matt. v. 13.

[274] 2 Tim. ii. 20.

[275] Rev. ii. 27.

[276] Matt. xvi. 18.

[277] Ex. xii. 22.

[278] Gen. vii. 23.

[279] I.e. the bread of the Eucharist, at this time sent by one bishop to another in token of communion; or possibly the allusion is different, and what Jerome means to say is: "You are the oracle of God, but owing to my present situation I cannot consult you."

[280] Certain bishops banished from their sees by Valens. See Letter III. § 2.

[281] The three rival claimants of the see of Antioch. See note on Letter XVI. § 2.

[282] Matt. xii. 30.

[283] I.e. the field party. The Meletians were so called because, denied access to the churches of the city, they had to worship in the open air outside the walls.

[284] hupostasis=substantia. It is the word used in Heb. i. 3, "The express image of his person [R.V. substance]." Except at Alexandria it was usual to speak of one hypostasis as of one ousia in the Divine Nature. But at Alexandria from Origen downwards three hypostases had been ascribed to the Deity. Two explanations are given of the latter formula: (1) That at Alexandria hupostasis was taken in the sense of prosopon, so that by "three hypostases" was meant only "three persons." (2) That "three hypostases" was an inexact expression standing for "three hypostatic persons" or "a threefold hypostasis." This latter seems to be the true account of the matter. See an interesting note in Newman, Arians of the Fourth Century, Appendix IV.

[285] In the Nicene Creed the Son is declared to be "of one substance [ousia] with the Father."

[286] This decree allowed the formula of "three hypostases" to be susceptible of an orthodox interpretation. It did not, however, encourage its use.

[287] ousia.

[288] Cauterio unionis inurimur. Sabellius recognized three "aspects" in the Godhead but denied "three persons," at least in the Catholic sense.

[289] Ex. iii. 14.

[290] Ursicinus, at this time anti-pope; Auxentius, Arian bishop of Milan.

[291] 2 Cor. xi. 14.

[292] I.e. the followers of the orthodox Bishop Meletius, who, as they had no church in Antioch, were compelled to meet for worship outside the city.

[293] These appear to have been semi-Arians or Macedonians. Silvanus of Tarsus was their recognized leader. __________________________________________________________________

Letter XVI. To Pope Damasus.

This letter, written a few months after the preceding, is another appeal to Damasus to solve the writer's doubts. Jerome once more refers to his baptism at Rome, and declares that his one answer to the factions at Antioch is, "He who clings to the chair of Peter is accepted by me." Written from the desert in the year 377 or 378.

1. By her importunity the widow in the gospel at last gained a hearing, [294] and by the same means one friend induced another to give him bread at midnight, when his door was shut and his servants were in bed. [295] The publican's prayers overcame God, [296] although God is invincible. Nineveh was saved by its tears from the impending ruin caused by its sin. [297] To what end, you ask, these far-fetched references? To this end, I make answer; that you in your greatness should look upon me in my littleness; that you, the rich shepherd, should not despise me, the ailing sheep. Christ Himself brought the robber from the cross to paradise, [298] and, to show that repentance is never too late, He turned a murderer's death into a martyrdom. Gladly does Christ embrace the prodigal son when he returns to Him; [299] and, leaving the ninety and nine, the good shepherd carries home on His shoulders the one poor sheep that is left. [300] From a persecutor Paul becomes a preacher. His bodily eyes are blinded to clear the eyes of his soul, [301] and he who once haled Christ's servants in chains before the council of the Jews, [302] lives afterwards to glory in the bonds of Christ. [303]

2. As I have already written to you, [304] I, who have received Christ's garb in Rome, am now detained in the waste that borders Syria. No sentence of banishment, however, has been passed upon me; the punishment which I am undergoing is self-inflicted. But, as the heathen poet says:

They change not mind but sky who cross the sea. [305]

The untiring foe follows me closely, and the assaults that I suffer in the desert are severer than ever. For the Arian frenzy raves, and the powers of the world support it. The church is rent into three factions, and each of these is eager to seize me for its own. The influence of the monks is of long standing, and it is directed against me. I meantime keep crying: "He who clings to the chair of Peter is accepted by me." Meletius, Vitalis, and Paulinus [306] all profess to cleave to you, and I could believe the assertion if it were made by one of them only. As it is, either two of them or else all three are guilty of falsehood. Therefore I implore your blessedness, by our Lord's cross and passion, those necessary glories of our faith, as you hold an apostolic office, to give an apostolic decision. Only tell me by letter with whom I am to communicate in Syria, and I will pray for you that you may sit in judgment enthroned with the twelve; [307] that when you grow old, like Peter, you may be girded not by yourself but by another, [308] and that, like Paul, you may be made a citizen of the heavenly kingdom. [309] Do not despise a soul for which Christ died. __________________________________________________________________

[294] Matt. xv. 28.

[295] Luke xi. 7, 8.

[296] Luke xviii. 10-14.

[297] Jon. iii. 5, 10.

[298] Luke xxiii. 43.

[299] Luke xv. 20.

[300] Luke xv. 5.

[301] Acts ix. 8.

[302] Acts viii. 3.

[303] 2 Cor. xii. 10.

[304] See Letter XV.

[305] Hor. Epist. i. 11, 27.

[306] The three rival claimants of the see of Antioch. Paulinus and Meletius were both orthodox, but Meletius derived his orders from the Arians and was consequently not recognized in the West. In the East, however, he was so highly esteemed that some years after this he was chosen to preside over the Council of Constantinople (a.d. 391). Vitalis, the remaining claimant, was a follower of Apollinaris, but much respected by the orthodox on account of his high character.

[307] Matt. xix. 28.

[308] Joh. xxi. 18.

[309] Phi. iii. 20, R.V. __________________________________________________________________

Letter XVII. To the Presbyter Marcus.

In this letter, addressed to one who seems to have had some pre-eminence among the monks of the Chalcidian desert, Jerome complains of the hard treatment meted out to him because of his refusal to take any part in the great theological dispute then raging in Syria. He protests his own orthodoxy, and begs permission to remain where he is until the return of spring, when he will retire from "the inhospitable desert." Written in a.d. 378 or 379.

1. I had made up my mind to use the words of the psalmist: "While the wicked was before me I was dumb with silence; I was humbled, and I held my peace even from good" [310] and "I, as a deaf man, heard not; and I was as a dumb man that openeth not his mouth. Thus I was as a man that heareth not." [311] But charity overcomes all things, [312] and my regard for you defeats my determination. I am, indeed, less careful to retaliate upon my assailants than to comply with your request. For among Christians, as one has said, [313] not he who endures an outrage is unhappy, but he who commits it.

2. And first, before I speak to you of my belief (which you know full well), I am forced to cry out against the inhumanity of this country. A hackneyed quotation best expresses my meaning:

What savages are these who will not grant

A rest to strangers, even on their sands!

They threaten war and drive us from their coasts. [314]

I take this from a Gentile poet that one who disregards the peace of Christ may at least learn its meaning from a heathen. I am called a heretic, although I preach the consubstantial trinity. I am accused of the Sabellian impiety although I proclaim with unwearied voice that in the Godhead there are three distinct, [315] real, whole, and perfect persons. The Arians do right to accuse me, but the orthodox forfeit their orthodoxy when they assail a faith like mine. They may, if they like, condemn me as a heretic; but if they do they must also condemn Egypt and the West, Damasus and Peter. [316] Why do they fasten the guilt on one and leave his companions uncensured? If there is but little water in the stream, it is the fault, not of the channel, but of the source. I blush to say it, but from the caves which serve us for cells we monks of the desert condemn the world. Rolling in sack-cloth and ashes, [317] we pass sentence on bishops. What use is the robe of a penitent if it covers the pride of a king? Chains, squalor, and long hair are by right tokens of sorrow, and not ensigns of royalty. I merely ask leave to remain silent. Why do they torment a man who does not deserve their ill-will? I am a heretic, you say. What is it to you if I am? Stay quiet, and all is said. You are afraid, I suppose, that, with my fluent knowledge of Syriac and Greek, I shall make a tour of the churches, lead the people into error, and form a schism! I have robbed no man of anything; neither have I taken what I have not earned. With my own hand [318] daily and in the sweat of my brow [319] I labor for my food, knowing that it is written by the apostle: "If any will not work, neither shall he eat." [320]

3. Reverend and holy father, Jesus is my witness with what groans and tears I have written all this. "I have kept silence, saith the Lord, but shall I always keep silence? Surely not." [321] I cannot have so much as a corner of the desert. Every day I am asked for my confession of faith; as though when I was regenerated in baptism I had made none. I accept their formulas, but they are still dissatisfied. I sign my name to them, but they still refuse to believe me. One thing only will content them, that I should leave the country. I am on the point of departure. They have already torn away from me my dear brothers, who are a part of my very life. They are, as you see, anxious to depart--nay, they are actually departing; it is preferable, they say, to live among wild beasts rather than with Christians such as these. I myself, too, would be at this moment a fugitive were I not withheld by physical infirmity and by the severity of the winter. I ask to be allowed the shelter of the desert for a few months till spring returns; or if this seems too long a delay, I am ready to depart now. "The earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof." [322] Let them climb up to heaven alone; [323] for them alone Christ died; they possess all things and glory in all. Be it so. "But God forbid that I should glory save in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, by whom the world is crucified unto me and I unto the world." [324]

4. As regards the questions which you have thought fit to put to me concerning the faith, I have given to the reverend Cyril [325] a written confession which sufficiently answers them. He who does not so believe has no part in Christ. My faith is attested both by your ears and by those of your blessed brother, Zenobius, to whom, as well as to yourself, we all of us here send our best greeting. __________________________________________________________________

[310] Ps. xxxix. 1, 2, Vulg.

[311] Ps. xxxviii. 13, 14.

[312] Cf. 1 Cor. xiii. 7.

[313] Cyprian, Letter LV. Cf. Cic. T. Q. v. accipere quam facere præstat injuriam.

[314] Virg. A. i. 539-541.

[315] Subsistenets.

[316] The contemporary bishops of Rome and Alexandria.

[317] Tert. Apol. 40, s. f.

[318] 1 Cor. iv. 12.

[319] Gen. iii. 19.

[320] 2 Thess. iii. 10.

[321] Isa. xlii. 14, LXX.

[322] Ps. xxiv. 1.

[323] Was Jerome thinking of Constantine's rebuke to the Novatian bishop at Nicæa, "Plant a ladder for thyself, Acesius, and mount alone to heaven"?

[324] Gal. vi. 14.

[325] Who this was is unknown. The extant document purporting to contain this confession is not genuine. __________________________________________________________________

Letter XVIII. To Pope Damasus.

This (written from Constantinople in a.d. 381) is the earliest of Jerome's expository letters. In it he explains at length the vision recorded in the sixth chapter of Isaiah, and enlarges upon its mystical meaning. "Some of my predecessors," he writes, "make the Lord sitting upon a throne' God the Father, and suppose the seraphim to represent the Son and the Holy Spirit. I do not agree with them, for John expressly tells us [326] that it was Christ and not the Father whom the prophet saw." And again, "The word seraphim means either glow' or beginning of speech,' and the two seraphim thus stand for the Old and New Testaments. [327] Did not our heart burn within us,' said the disciples, while he opened to us the Scriptures?' [328] Moreover, the Old Testament is written in Hebrew, and this unquestionably was man's original language." Jerome then speaks of the unity of the sacred books. "Whatever," he asserts, "we read in the Old Testament we find also in the Gospel; and what we read in the Gospel is deduced from the Old Testament. [329] There is no discord between them, no disagreement. In both Testaments the Trinity is preached."

The letter is noticeable for the evidence it affords of the thoroughness of Jerome's studies. Not only does he cite the several Greek versions of Isaiah in support of his argument, but he also reverts to the Hebrew original. So far as the West was concerned he may be said to have discovered this anew. Even educated men like Augustine had ceased to look beyond the LXX., and were more or less aghast at the boldness with which Jerome rejected its time-honored but inaccurate renderings. [330]

The letter also shows that independence of judgment which always marked Jerome's work. At the time when he wrote it he was much under the sway of Origen. But great as was his admiration for the master, he was not afraid to discard his exegesis when, as in the case of the seraphim, he believed it to be erroneous. __________________________________________________________________

[326] John xii. 41.

[327] Jerome greatly prides himself on this explanation, and frequently reverts to it.

[328] Luke xxiv. 32.

[329] Cf. Augustine's dictum: "The New Testament is latent in the Old; the Old Testament is patent in the New."

[330] See Augustine's letters to Jerome, passim. __________________________________________________________________

Letter XIX. From Pope Damasus.

A letter from Damasus to Jerome, in which he asks for an explanation of the word "Hosanna" (a.d. 383). __________________________________________________________________

Letter XX. To Pope Damasus.

Jerome's reply to the foregoing. Exposing the error of Hilary of Poitiers, who supposed the expression to signify "redemption of the house of David," he goes on to show that in the gospels it is a quotation from Psa. cxviii. 25 and that its true meaning is "save now" (so A.V.). "Let us," he writes, "leave the streamlets of conjecture and return to the fountain-head. It is from the Hebrew writings that the truth is to be drawn." Written at Rome a.d. 383. __________________________________________________________________

Letter XXI. To Damasus

In this letter Jerome, at the request of Damasus, gives a minutely detailed explanation of the parable of the prodigal son. __________________________________________________________________